1989 - Seeing Voices (10 page)

59. Shengold, 1988.

Kaspar showed, at first, a prodigious power of perception and memory, but the perception and memory were all for particulars—he seemed both brilliant and incapable of abstract thought. But as he acquired language he acquired the ability to generalize, and with this moved from a world of innumerable unconnected particulars to a connected, intelligible, and intelligent world.

This sudden, exuberant explosion of language and intelligence is essentially similar to what occurred with Massieu—it is what happens with the mind and soul if they have been imprisoned (without being completely destroyed) from early life, and the doors of the prison are suddenly thrown open.
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60. But then again, this may sometimes not happen. A modern day wild child, Genie, was found in California in 1970; she had been imprisoned at home (by her psychotic father) and not spoken to since infancy (see Curtiss, 1977). Despite the most intensive training, Genie acquired only a little language—a number of words for common objects, but no ability to ask questions and only the most rudimentary grammar (
see
p. 110). Why did Kaspar do so well, and Genie so badly? It may have been, simply, that Kaspar had already acquired some language, the linguistic competence of a three-year-old, before he was locked up, whereas Genie had been totally isolated since the age of twenty months. This one year of language, indeed, can make all the difference: one sees this with children who have been suddenly deafened at, say, thirty-six months rather than twenty-four months.

Cases like Massieu’s must have been far commoner in the eighteenth century, when there was no compulsory schooling, but they still occur occasionally even now, especially, perhaps, in isolated rural environments or if the child has been misdiagnosed and institutionalized from an early age.
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61. In January 1982, a New York State court awarded $2.5 million to ‘a seventeen-year-old deaf boy who had been diagnosed an ‘imbecile’ at two years of age and put into an institution for the mentally retarded until he was almost eleven years old. At that age he was transferred to another institution, where a routine psychological examination revealed he was ‘at least of normal intelligence.’ This is reported by Jerome D. Schein (Schein, 1984). Such cases may indeed be far from uncommon—an almost identical one is reported in
The New York Times
of December 11, 1988 (p. 81).

Addendum (1990
): Such mistakes, incredibly, can happen in adult life too. Very recently, at a psychiatric hospital where I work, I saw a man who had become deaf at the age of thirty-eight, from an attack of meningitis. Suddenly he had found himself unable to hear, unable to understand what others were saying to him. He saw several physicians, none of whom, apparently, really took the time to listen to him or appreciate his situation. He was diagnosed as schizophrenic by one of them, as retarded by another. When I spent a little time with him, and wrote my questions out for him, it became obvious that he was neither—and that he did not need to be institutionalized but rather to be in school.

Indeed, in November of 1987 I received an extraordinary letter, from Susan Schaller, a sign language interpreter and scholar from San Francisco.
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62. I am, with Schaller’s permission, quoting from this and other letters, as well as a forthcoming book (Schaller, 1991).

Currently [wrote Schaller] I am writing an account of a twenty-seven-year-old, prelingual, deaf man’s successful acquisition of his first language. He was born deaf and had never been exposed to any language, including sign language. My student, who had never communicated with another human for twenty-seven years (except for concrete and functional expressions via mime), amazingly survived his life of ‘solitary confinement’ without his personality disintegrating.

Ildefonso was born on a farm in southern Mexico; he and a congenitally deaf brother were the only deaf members of his family and community, and they never had any schooling or contact with Sign. He worked as a migrant farm laborer, crossing in and out of the United States with various relatives. Although good-natured, he was essentially isolated, since he could make virtually no communication (other than gestural) with another human being. When he was first seen by Schaller, he seemed alert and alive, but fearful and bewildered, and with a sort of yearning and searching—somewhat as I had seen Joseph. He was, like Joseph, very observant (‘he watches everything and everyone’)—but, so to speak, observing from the outside, enthralled by, but not privy to, the inner world of language. When Schaller signed ‘Your name?’, he simply copied the sign; this was all he would do at first, without the least comprehension that it
was
a sign.

The repetition of movements and sounds, as Schaller tried to teach Sign to Ildefonso, continued without any sense that they had an ‘inside,’ had meaning—there seemed a possibility that he would never get past this ‘mimetic echolalia,’ never enter the world of thought or language. And then, quite suddenly and unexpectedly, one day he did. The first breakthrough for Ildefonso, fascinatingly, was with numbers. All at once, he grasped what they were, how to operate with them, their
sense;
and this caused a sort of intellectual explosion, a grasping within days of the cardinal principles of arithmetic. There was still no concept of language (arithmetical symbolism, perhaps, is not a language, is not denotative in the same sense as words). But the acquisition of numbers, the mental operations of arithmetic, set his mind going, created a region of order in the chaos, and turned him for the first time to a sort of understanding and hope.
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63. When I came to write of a set of twins who were calculating prodigies (‘The Twins’ in Sacks, 1985), and their extraordinary facility for numbers, their ‘numeracy,’ I had to wonder whether there might not be in their brains ‘a deep arithmetic of the kind described by Gauss…as innate as Chomsky’s deep syntax and generative grammar.’ When I heard of Ildefonso’s sudden understanding of numbers, his sudden ‘seeing’ of arithmetical rules, I could not help thinking of the twins, and wondering whether he too was not possessed of an innate, organic arithmetic, suddenly kindled, or released, by a numerical stimulus.

Indeed, Schaller subsequently wrote to me about a fifty-four-year-old prelingually deaf man with no language, who did have, however, a good grasp of arithmetic and owned a much-cherished arithmetical primer which he could not read except for the actual arithmetical signs and examples. This man, twice Ildefonso’s age, was able to acquire sign language in his sixth decade—Schaller wonders whether his arithmetical competence may have helped to make this possible.

Such an arithmetical competence might perhaps serve as a model, or primordium, for the development of a linguistic competence immediately (or long) afterward, one Chomskian power facilitating the emergence of another.

The real breakthrough occurred on the sixth day, after hundreds and thousands of repetitions of words, in particular of the sign for ‘cat.’ Suddenly it was not just a movement to be copied, but a sign pregnant with meaning, that could be used to symbolize a concept. This moment of understanding was intensely exciting and led to another intellectual explosion, not of something purely abstract (like the principles of arithmetic) this time, but of the sense and meaning of the world:

His face stretches and opens with excitement…slowly at first, then hungrily, he sucks in everything, as though he had never seen it before: the door, the bulletin board, chairs, tables, students, the clock, the green blackboard and me…He has entered the universe of humanity, he has discovered the communion of minds. He now knows that he and a cat and the table have names.

Schaller compares Ildefonso’s ‘cat’ with Helen Keller’s ‘water’—the first word, the first sign, that leads to all others, that opens the imprisoned mind and intelligence.

This moment and the succeeding weeks were for Ildefonso a time of turning to the world with an enthralled new attention, an awakening, a birth, to the world of thought and language, after the merely perceptual existence of decades. The first two months were above all—for him, as for Massieu months of naming, of defining the world and relating himself to it in an entirely new way. But, as with Kaspar Hauser, striking problems remained: in particular, as Schaller notes, ‘time concepts seemed impossible for him to grasp, units of time, tenses, temporal relationships, and just the idea of measuring time as events—took months to teach,’ and these were only gradually resolved.

Now, several years later, Ildefonso has acquired reasonably competent Sign, has met other deaf signers, and has joined their linguistic community. With this he has acquired, as Sicard said of Massieu, ‘a new being.’

Joseph and Ildefonso, in their languagelessness, are extreme (but illuminating) cases: virtually all prelingually deaf people acquire
some
language in childhood, although it is often acquired late and markedly defective. There is a huge range of linguistic competence in the deaf; Joseph and Ildefonso represent one end of this spectrum. I found it impossible to ask Joseph a question—and this sort of linguistic deficiency may be widespread among deaf children, even those with some competence in Sign. This is a central observation of Isabelle Rapin:
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64. Rapin, 1979, p. 210.

Asking questions of [deaf] children about what they had just read made me aware that many have a remarkable linguistic deficiency. They do not possess the linguistic device provided by the question forms. It is not that they do not know the answer to the question, it is that they do not understand the question…I once asked a boy, ‘Who lives in your house?’ (The question was translated to the boy in sign language by his teacher.) The boy had a blank look on his face. I then noted the teacher turned the question around into a series of declarative sentences: ‘In your house you, mother…‘ A look of comprehension came onto his face and he drew me a picture of his house with all family members, including the dog…I noted again and again that teachers tended to hesitate to put questions to their pupils, and often expressed queries as incomplete sentences in which the deaf children could fill in the blanks.

It is not just question forms that are so lacking in the deaf—though lack of question forms, as Rapin says, is particularly pernicious, as it leads to the lack of information—it is the lack of language skills, and indeed language competence, that is so remarkable in prelingually deaf schoolchildren, a lack both lexical and grammatical. I was struck by the small vocabulary of many of the children I saw in Joseph’s school, their naïveté, their concreteness of thought, their difficulties in reading and writing, and their ignorance of the world, an ignorance unimaginable in a normally intelligent child with hearing. My first thought, indeed, was that they were
not
normally intelligent, but had some peculiar, associated mental deficiency. And yet, I was assured, and my own observations told me, that these were not mentally deficient children in the ordinary sense of the word; they had the same range of intelligence as normal, but their intelligence, or certain aspects of it, was being undermined in some way. And not only intelligence: many of the children were passive or shy, lacking spontaneity, confidence, social ease—they seemed less animated, less playful than they should be.

I was dismayed by my glimpse of Joseph’s school, Braefield. Like Joseph, the school itself is in some ways an extreme example (though in others it is distressingly close to the average). Most of the children there come from disadvantaged homes where there is poverty and unemployment and uprootedness in addition to deafness. And, importantly, Braefield is no longer a residential school; its children must leave at the end of the day, to go back to homes where parents cannot communicate with them; where the TV, uncaptioned, is unintelligible; where they cannot pick up basic information about the world.

And, indeed, other schools have given me a quite different impression. Thus at the chiefly residential California School for the Deaf in Fremont, many of the students have reasonable reading and writing skills, almost comparable to hearing students, whereas students at Braefield, more typically, average only a fourth-grade reading level at graduation. Many of the children at Fremont have larger vocabularies, sign well, are full of curiosity and questions, speak (or, more often, sign) fully and freely, have a sense of self-confidence and power of a sort I scarcely saw in Braefield. I was not surprised to hear of how well they did academically (far better than the average, scholastically retarded deaf).

Many factors seem to be at work here. On the whole, the children at Fremont come from more secure homes and backgrounds. A relatively high percentage of the teachers themselves are deaf: Fremont is one of the few schools in the United States with a policy of employing deaf teachers—such teachers are not
only
native signers but can transmit deaf culture and a positive image of deafness to the children. There is—and it is this that is so dramatically different from what I saw at Braefield—over and above the formal schooling, a community of children living together, signing together, playing together, sharing lives and meanings. Finally, there is an unusually high proportion of children with deaf parents at Fremont—these generally constitute less than 10 percent of deaf children. Acquiring Sign as a native language from infancy, these children have never known the tragedy of non-communication with their parents that is often the lot of the profoundly deaf. In a residential school, these natively signing children are the chief introducers of the deaf world and its language to the deaf children of hearing parents; thus, there is far less of the isolation I was so struck by at Braefield.