Authors: Claudio Pavone
Apart from desertions that occurred even among the volunteers,
156
voluntary enlistment still proved incapable of solving the problem of re-conquering moral and political unity between the country and the armed forces (it might have done so if it had been taken as the fulcrum of the new army â but this was a proposal that no one seriously supported).
157
Besides, there was doubt and wavering even among the forces of the left, particularly over whether preference should be given to group volunteering, the aim of which was to form politically homogeneous divisions, or to individual volunteering, which meant the scattering of volunteers in the ranks of the Royal Army. On this score, a confidential Communist document written shortly after the liberation of Rome, recalling the posters that appeared for enrolment âin the various Red Army, Matteotti, and Pilo Albertelli brigades', concluded: âWhile accepting the volunteers' applications, our party considered it opportune to aim at forming a more or less regular army, and was the only one, I believe, to refuse to form independent brigades.'
158
Palmiro Togliatti's article, âPer un forte e disciplinato esercito italiano' (âFor a strong and disciplined Italian army'), which appeared shortly after the formation
of the Salerno government and aimed at making the most of the turning-point in military terms as well, lucidly outlined the PCI's fundamental thinking in this regard, but already highlighted its contradictions. These were interwoven with the recurrent demands that the military hierarchies be purged, and the proposal to insert partisans into the regular army. The objective difficulty that the Communist (and not only Communist) position had succeeded in gaining the recognition of both friends and adversaries without arousing misunderstandings or distrust was unwittingly and comically expressed in a few ânotes' sent by the carabinieri General HQ to Minister Alessandro Casati on 15 March 1945: âVarious soldiers frequent left-wing elements in their off-duty hours. It does not appear, however, that defeatist propaganda is practised among the divisions.'
159
In the Communist press of the North, due recognition of the achievement of the ânational democratic government', with the presence of Italian regular divisions on the Gothic line, is coupled with insistent repetition that âthe decisive event' will have to be insurrection;
160
and even when a mannered tableau was given of the renovated army, as by Bülow (Arrigo Boldrini) in a broadcast on Radio Ottava Armata (Radio 8
th
Army), pains were taken to underpin it by emphasising âthe influx of thousands of volunteers, many of whom are former partisans',
161
or by speaking, as
L'UnitÃ
did on 22 April 1945, of âItalian regular divisions, reinforced by the Garibaldino spirit brought to it by the patriot volunteers'.
162
We now have to see how the rejection of the Royal Army and its lifestyle, which had been one of the departure points for the Resistance in its aversion to the Fascist war, had to reckon with the growth and âmilitarisation' of the bands, which interwove in diverse ways with their politicisation.
1
T. Todorov, âLa tolleranza e l'intollerabile', in P. C. Bori, ed.,
L'intolleranza: uguali e diversi nella storia
, Bologna: Il Mulino, 1986, p. 103.
2
Manifesto âAgli Italiani', which begins: âItaliani, cosa sarà di noi?' (âItalians, what will become of us?', in
Bolletino Popolo e LibertÃ
, June 1943).
3
Polybe: ou, la Grèce conquise par les Romains
, Paris, 1858, p. 2.
4
Artom,
Diari
, p. 61 (July 31, 1953); police report, relating to Terni, 1943, quoted in Portelli,
Biografia di una cittÃ
, p. 243; Chiodi,
Banditi
, p. 7 (10 January 1941).
5
See C. Senise,
Quando ero capo della polizia, 1940â1943
, Rome: Ruffolo, 1946, p. 38. Senise writes that he inserted the sentence in a report prepared by Bocchini for Mussolini.
6
Quoted in Michel,
Les courants
, p. 150.
7
C. Botti (C. Dionisotti), âGiovanni Gentile', in
Nuovi Quaderni di Giustizia e LibertÃ
, vol. I (MayâJune 1944), p. 94, republished under the title âLa storia che giudica', in
L'Indice dei libri del mese
II: 9 (November 1985), pp. 23â6.
8
See an article bearing that title by A. Lavenir, secretary of the teachers' union of the department of Rodano, published in
L'Ãcole Libératrice
of 2 April 1938, and quoted in F. Di Palma, âIl caso dei maestri in Francia tra fronte popolare e moti antirepubblicani', in
Rivista di storia contemporanea
XV (1986), p. 269.
9
La Pensée française. Organe des intellectuels du Front National du Nord e du Pas-de-Calais
, AprilâMay 1944. An article dedicated to
Herr Déat
, âLe Père Duchesne', September 1943, heavily criticised the passage from âobjection de conscience' to âabjection de conscience'.
10
I recommend everyone read G. D. H. Cole,
A History of Socialist Thought
, vol. V,
Socialism and Fascism (1931â1939)
, London: Macmillan, 1960, p. 79ff. See also, in general, A. Salsano, ed.,
Antologia del pensiero socialista
, vol. V,
Socialismo e fascismo
, Bari: Laterza 1983, part II, Chapter 5, âL'IOS di fronte al fascismo e alla guerra'.
11
Emily Balch, cited in W. E. Leuchtenburg,
Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal, 1932â1940
, New York: Harper & Row, 1963, p. 211.
12
Published in November 1933 in
Quaderni di Giustizia e LibertÃ
, and later in C. Rosselli,
Scritti dall'esilio
, vol. I,
Giustizia e Libertà e la concentrazione antifascista (1929â1934)
, ed. C. Casucci, Turin: Einaudi 1988, pp. 250â8.
13
See G. Arfé, âLa politica del gruppo dirigente socialista nell'esilio', in Istituto Socialista di Studi Storici,
L'emigrazione socialista nella lotta contro il fascismo (1926â1939)
, Florence: Sanzoni 1982, p. 20. Arfé believes that the way indicated by Rosselli was âfor the socialists, and not without good reason, too risky' (p. 22).
14
Leading article, âContro l'illusione della guerra rivoluzionaria e per la libertà ', in
Avanti!
, Zurich, 2 December 1933. Foa referred to this very article when, in a projected interview with Nenni that never took place (1975), he asked Nenni this question: âWhat weight did a pacifism in principle carry in socialism and in the left in general?' See V. Foa, âCentoquarantacinque domande a Pietro Nenni', in
Per una storia del movimento operaio
, p. 199. Nenni's article and Rosselli's article in the form of a letter to
Avanti!
of 30 December 1933 can now be read in Rosselli,
Scritti dall'esilio
, pp. 312â16, 259â64. Nenni was simply repeating the positions against the war that he had taken in articles that had previously appeared in
Avanti!
: âAmsterdam e la guerra rivoluzionaria' (10 September 1932); âRisposta a tre quesiti' (17 September 1932); âCondannare la guerra in sé e per sé' (24 September 1932); âNé guerra rivoluzionaria né guerra per la libertà ' (4 March 1933). The articles can now be read in P. Nenni,
La battaglia contro il fascismo
, ed. D. Zucaro, Milan: Mursia 1977, pp. 327â43.
15
See S. Colarizi's recapitulatory article, âLa guerra e i partiti antifascisti', in Pacetti, Papini and Sarcinelli,
La cultura della pace
, pp. 327â43.
16
See A. Landuyt, âUn tentativo di rinnovamento del socialimo italiano: Silone e il Centro estero di Zurigo', in Istituto Socialista di Studi Storici,
L'emigrazione
, pp. 75â6. The motion concluded with an appeal to the United States of Europe.
17
See G. Arfé,
Storia dell'Avanti! 1926â1940
, MilanâRome: Edizioni Avanti! 1958, p. 212. Nenni's article can be read in Nenni,
La battaglia socialista contro il fascismo
, pp. 537â43. But in a figure like Modigliani, pacifism and neutralism were so deeply rooted as to inspire his conduct even after the outbreak of war. See G. Arfé, âModigliani Giuseppe Emanuele', in F. Andeucci and T. Detti, eds,
Il Movimento operaio italiano. Dizionario biografico 1853â1943
, vol. III, Rome: Riuniti 1977, pp. 491â503.
18
The text of Nenni's then unpublished report (following his resignation as party secretary with an announcement that appeared in the 7 September issue of
Nuovo Avanti!
) can be found in the Tasca archive, and was published as S. Merli, âLa ricostruzione del movimento socialista in Italia e la lotta contro il fascismo dal 1934 alla seconda guerra mondiale', in
Annali dell'Istituto Giangiacomo Feltrinelli
V (1962), pp. 836â44. The essay was republished, without the documents, in S. Merli,
Fronte antifascista e politica di classe. Socialisti e comunisti in Italia, 1923â1939
, Bari: De Donato 1962, pp. 3â74. From a copy, now in ACS, sent by the Fascist representative from Paris to the Ministry of the Interior, and republished in S. Colarizi, ed.,
L'Italia antifascista dal 1922 al 1940. La lotta dei protagonisti
, Bari: Laterza 1976, pp. 154â68. Colarizi notes that Nenni's report was rejected by six votes to two. See also, in general, Leonardo Rapone's paper, âGuerra e politica. L'emigrazione antifascista agli inizi della seconda guerra mondiale', at the conference âL'Italia in guerra 1940â43', held at the Fondazione Micheletti of Brescia from 27 to 30 September 1989.
19
The document was published by the Rome edition of
Avanti!
, 6 May 1944, under the title âL'esecutivo del partito definisce la posizione socialista di fronte al nuovo Governo Badoglio ed ai problemi dell' unità d'azione e della unità antifascista'. The Communists replied severely with an article, âIl partito socialista, il governo nazionale democratico di guerra e il problema dell'unità ' in
La nostra lotta
II: 10 (June 1944), pp. 6â9.
20
For Silone, see his âTesi del Terzo Fronte', adopted by the Centro Estero (Foreign Center) of the PSI in Zurich, and published in
L'Avvenire dei lavoratori
, 1 August 1944. See Landuyt,
Un tentativo di rinnovamento
, pp. 90â5. For Basso see the whole affair, which is fairly well known, of the MUP and of
Bandiera Rossa
. See in particular M. Salvati, âIl Psiup Alta Italia nelle carte dell'archivio Basso (1943â1945)', in
Il Movimento di liberazione in Italia
, XXIV: 109 (OctoberâDecember 1972), pp. 61â88, and Enzo Collotti, ed.,
Ripensare il socialismo: la ricerca di Lelio Basso
, Milan: Mazzotta 1988.
21
For the unsuccessful attempts by the Socialists, the Republicans, GL, the Lega Italiana dei Diritti dell'Uomo, and the Unione Popolare immediately after the declaration of war, to create the legion, see Arté,
Storia dell'Avanti!
, p. 218. For the no less fortunate successive attempts, see Emilio Lussu's note, âIl problema della legione', undated,
Archivi di Giustizia e Libertà . 1915â1945
, inventory edited by C. Casucci, Rome: Publications of the Archivi di Stato, 1968, p. 59; and regarding Randolfo Pacciardi's initiatives, A. Baldini and P. Palma, ed.,
Gli antifascisti italiani in America. 1942â1944
, Preface by R. De Felice, Florence: Le Monnier, 1990.
22
Letter to Giuseppe Faravelli, 10 May 1939, in Merli
La riconstruzione
, pp. 831â4.
23
L. Sturzo, âItaly after Mussolini',
Foreign Affairs
, April 1943. For the Weimar syndrome and anti-Fascism's merits for having avoided it, see C. Casucci, âLa guerra di Carlo Rosselli', in
Libera Stampa
(Lugano), 21 June 1990.
24
See I. Bonomi,
Diario di un anno (2 giugno 1943â10 giugno 1944)
, Milan: Garzanti, 1947, p. 35.
25
Letter to his mother, 2 August 1935, in
Lettere di antifascisti dal carcere e dal confino
, ed. L. Cortesi, Rome: Riuniti, 1962, p. 123.
26
Letter of 19 May 1940, not censored as a mark of respect for its non-belligerence. My thanks to Foa for drawing my attention to it.
27
Spinelli polemicised against those who, during the Falklands War, supported the cause of the Argentinian generals on the basis of the argument that about 50 percent of the population of Argentina is of Italian origin (Vittorio Foa's testimony to the author).
28
Articles entitled, respectively, âAl popolo italiano, agli amici, ai nemici' and âNostalgie colonialistiche', in
La LibertÃ
, 27 October 1943, and
L'Italia Libera
, 18 January 1945.
29
For an account of events during that two-year period see P. Spriano,
Storia del Partito comunista italiano
, vol. IV,
La fine del fascismo. Dalla riscossa operaia alla lotta armata
, Turin: Einaudi, 1973. See also, in vol. III,
I fronti popolari, Stalin, la guerra
, Turin: Einaudi 1970, Chapter XVIII, âI comunisti e la guerra'.
30
A. Spinelli,
Io Ulisse. Come ho tentato di diventare saggio
, Bologna: Il Mulino 1984, p. 281.
31
The report, entitled âLa preparazione di una nuova guerrra mondiale da parte degli imperialisti e i compiti dell'Internazionale comunista', is in P. Togliatti,
Opere
, vol. III: 2, ed. E. Ragionieri, Rome: Riuniti, 1973, pp. 730â805 (the passage quoted is on p. 765).
32
See the appeal of 24 June 1941 in F. Etnasi,
La Resistenza in Europa
, Rome: Grafica Editoriale, 1970, 1, pp. 275â8. Compare the identical position assumed by the Bulgarian Workers' Party (pp. 87â9).
33
See the âLettere di Spartaco', no. 9 of 1â10 March and no. 11 of 1â15 April 1940. Togliatti,
Opere
, vol. IV: 2, pp. 21â3, 26â31. In the second article a passage from Dimitrov is quoted against âthe legend of the reputed anti-Fascist character of the war'.
34
This is the title of a leading article (March 1940) of
Le Réveil des cocherschauffeurs du Comité pour l'idependance et l'unité des syndicats
(cyclostyled).
35
Motto of
La Bretagne
, cited in Michel,
Les courants
, p. 570.
36
J. J. Becker, âL'Union Sacrée: l'exception qui confirme la règle?', in
Vingtième Siècle
vol. 5 (JanuaryâMarch 1985), p. 120.
37
âChi è Spartaco', in
Lettere di Spartaco
, 1â10 March 1940 (Togliatti,
Opere
, vol. IV: 2, p. 13).
38
For the Trotskyists, see for example the âLettre à un camarade communiste', in
La Vérité
.
Organe bolchevik-léniniste
, 15 September 1940 (there are notable assonances between Stalinists and Trotskyists in this period, even if unwelcome on both parts). For the anarchists see
Il Martello
, edited by Carlo Tresca in the United States, quoted in L. Valentini, University of Pisa degree thesis.
39
For the former, see for example a document of the âSection communiste Michelin', published in
Bibendum. Organe de défense des ouvriers et ouvrières
, November 1940; for the integration,
L'Avant-Garde, édité par la Fédération des jeunesses de France
(Montpellier), 1 June 1941 (cyclostyled).
40
See âL' Appel de Maurice Thorez et Jacques Duclos', in H. Noguères,
Histoire de la Résistance en France de 1940 à 1945
, Paris: Laffont 1967, vol. I, pp. 461â7.
41
See the chapter, entitled âIl disfattismo rivoluzionario' (ârevolutionary defeatism'), of volume IV of P. Spriano,
Storia del partito comunista italiano
.
42
See T. Sala,
Opinione pubblica e lotta politica a Trieste dalla ânon belligeranza' alla âguerra parallela' (1939â1941)
, Trieste: Libreria Internazionale Italo Svevo, 1968, pp. 26, 50.
43
The difference in nature of the war before and after the attack on the USSR was denied and affirmed, on different occasions, by Stalin himself. See his speech of 9 January 1946 (Spriano,
Storia del Partito comunista italiano
, vol. III, p. 321) and his
Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR
. As an example of the difficulties encountered by Soviet historiography in bringing these different evaluations into a single judgment, consider this passage from the address given by Yevgeny Boltin, in the name of the Moscow Institute for MarxismâLeninism, at the international congress held in Milan in March 1961: âThe Second World War which broke out in the form of a collision between two imperialistic coalitions, began to change character for Germany's adversaries when large popular masses began the anti-Fascist struggle. From that moment the conflict gradually acquired a just, liberating and anti-Fascist character, which was defining and affirmed definitively after the Soviet Union entered the war following the Nazi attack'. âL'Unione Sovietica e la resistenza in Europa durante la seconda guerra mondiale', in INSMLI,
La Resistenza europea e gli Alleati
, p. 175.