7
Recently, analysts such as Ching Chung-wei, KK 2008:5, 78-87, have begun to study the major types in order to understand the process of localized variation and stylistic evolution.
Although their conclusions are highly useful, many of the detailed changes did not impact the nature of the weapon or its utilization and, insofar as they would require extensive digressions to reproduce, are not included here. (Key reports for the Shang include Li Chi’s well-illustrated classic article, BIHP 22 [1950]: 1-17, and his KKHP 4 [1949]: 38-51; Sun Hua, JEAA5 [2006]: 306-311; and Ching Chung-wei, KK 2008:5, 78-87. However, hundreds of individual reports with only one or two examples that were evaluated for size, evolution, and materials are too numerous to list.)
8
Although every style of
ko
has been recovered at Anyang, replica weapons or
ming ch’i
rapidly multiplied in the last two periods. (For example, see SHYCS An-yang Kung-tso-tui, KKHP 1994:4, 471-497. For an analysis of the increasing lead content and its effects, see Chao Ch’un-yen et al., WW 2008:1, 92-94.)
9
Liu Yi-man, KK 2002:3, 70; SHYCS An-yang Kung-tso-tui, KK 1991:5, 390-391.
10
Liu Yi-man, KK 2002:3, 63-75. Spears tended to proliferate at the very end of the Shang and sometimes exceeded the dagger-axes found in a single grave or locality, but overall the
ko
dominates. (For example, the tomb of a high-ranking Ma-wei nobleman in the Anyang area contains thirty
ko
and thirty-eight spears [SHYCS An-yang Kung-tso-tui, KK 1996:2, 17-35].)
11
For example, the tomb of the progenitor of the Ch’ang clan, an obvious military commander (SHYCS An-yang Kung-tso-tui, KK 2004:1, 7-19).
12
A certain amount of circularity marks these determinations, because rank and prestige are decided by the presence of such weapons, as well as ritual vessels and other minor factors.
13
Yang Hung, “Chan-ch’e yü Ch’e-chan Erh-lun,” HCCHS 2000:5, 8.
14
See Huang Jan-wei, 1995, 188-190.
Ko
were sometimes given in combination with other weapons, including
kan
(a staff, but generally interpreted as a shield),
yüeh
, and bows and arrows.
15
Bernhard Karlgren made this point long ago in BMFEA 17 (1945): 101-144.
Fu
and
yüeh
both predate the
ko
.
16
Note that Shen Jung claims that rectangular openings were first seen at Yin-hsü, yet the tabs had long grown too large for simple push-through mounting (Shen Jung, KK 1992:1, 70).
17
Shih Chang-ju, BIHP 22 (1950): 59-65, rather imaginatively calculated a probable length of 1.128 m. by analyzing the characters that appear in the oracle inscriptions. However, remnants recorded in numerous archaeological reports suggest a shorter length of 0.85 to 1.0 meter was common. (For example, even though the blade lengths differ slightly, being 23 and 26 cm., at an early Western Chou chariot site the length for each of a matched pair was 82.5 cm. The shafts expand somewhat toward the butt; the upper 55.5 cm. are wrapped with black lacquered thread but the lower 27 cm. of the wooden shafts are just lacquered red [SHYCS Feng-hsi Fa-chüeh-tui, KK 1990:6, 504-510].)
18
Among many, see Ma Hsi-lun, WW 1995:7, 72-73; Shen Jung, KK 1992:1, 70-71; Li Chien-min, KK 2001:5, 62-64; and Ching Chung-wei, KK 2008:5, 79.
19
For examples, see Li Chi, KKHP 4 (1949): 38-40.
20
Three rather blunt
ko
styles have been recovered from the early dynastic Shang site of Lao-niu-p’o: basically straight
ko
with slightly curved blades, models with curved handles and elaborate patterns on the tab, and a socketed version. (Liu Shih-o, WW 1988:6, 1-22, WW 1988:6, 23-27. See also Kuo Pao-chün, KK 1961:2, 111-118.)
21
Socketed weapons have long been primarily associated with the so-called Northern complex; however, due to the discovery of certain indigenous examples, this identification needs to be reexamined.
22
A recently excavated Anyang tomb that dates to Wu Ting’s era contains good examples of socketed, curved, straight-tabbed, and even triangular
ko
. (See An-yang-shih WWKK YCS, KK 2008:8, 22-33.) Moreover, even the excavations of the late 1950s turned up socketed, straight-tabbed, and curved-tab bronze
ko
, as well as a couple of crescent-shaped blades. (See SHYCS Pien-chi,
Yin-hsü Fa-chüeh Pao-kao
, 1958-1961, 245-249. The
ko
and other weapons recovered
were apparently produced in a specialized foundry.) Finally, one early version found in Fu Hao’s tomb lacks vertical flanges but displays a slight downward turn in the blade’s lower edge, even though the top edge and the top of the tab are essentially continuous.
23
Although Kuo Pao-chün early on claimed that the socketed version never achieved a high percentage in the Shang and rapidly diminished in the Western Chou, most of the 118
ko
recovered from the tomb of a high-ranking Shang commander dating to the third period of Yin-hsü are socketed. (See SHYCS An-yang Kung-tso-tui, KK 1991:5, 390-391.) Separately, the 71
ko
found in the tomb of an obvious military commander, perhaps the progenitor of the Ch’ang clan, dated to late in the second period at Yin-hsü, include variants with the full crescent elongation, simple straight-tab versions with rhomboidal blades, curved-tab models, and socketed versions. Lengths average 25 to 26 cm., with the curved tabs being slightly longer at 28.5 cm. (See SHYCS An-yang Kung-tso-tui, KK 2004:1, 14-16.)
24
A socketed
ko
with a stubby profile and short, crescent-style elongation has been recovered from remains dating to Yin-hsü’s third period. (See Yin-hsü Hsiao-min-t’un K’ao-ku-tui, KK 2007:1, 41.) Ten of the thirty
ko
recovered from the tomb of the Ma-wei nobleman previously noted, dating to the fourth period at Yin-hsü, are crescent shaped with sockets that have an average blade length of 24 to 25 cm., an 8 cm. curved portion, and the usual 1:4 ratio of tab to blade. One with slots in the crescent still had leather binding remnants (SHYCS An-yang Kung-tso-tui, KK 2004:1, 14-16).
25
Li Chi, KKHP 4 (1949): 42-44; Kuo Pao-chün, KK 1961:2, 111; Ching Chung-wei, KK 2008:5, 78, 82. For examples see Ch’eng Yung-chien, WW 2009:2, 81-82 (two late Shang curved-tab variants and one straight tab), and illustrations 123 to 144 in Karlgren, BMFEA 17 (1945).
26
For the motif of tigers eating people, see Shih Ching-Sung, KK 1998:3, 56-63. As already discussed, the Hu people, with whom this motif is closely associated, were targeted by Wu Ting’s campaigns, and an axe head found in Fu Hao’s tomb, presumably imported from the south, depicts two tigers jumping at a man’s stylized head.
27
The surprising effects of symmetrically weighted and balanced weapons have recently been the subject of Western technological articles. (For example, see Ronald Jager,
Technology and Culture
4 [1999]: 833-860, particularly the discussion of balance on 838-840.) Although Shang dynasty
ko
never achieved true balance, some of the dynamic advantages (such as less tendency to rotate while being swung through an arc) should have been realized to some degree.
28
For a set of illustrations see Ching Chung-wei, KK 2008:5, 79-82.
29
This was first discussed by Li Chi in his classic article, BIHP 22 (1950): 1-17.
30
For some interesting examples from widely scattered sites, see (for Shandong) Ma Hsi-lun, WW 1995:7, 72-73; (for Anhui) Yang Te-piao, WW 1992:5, 92-93; and (from Wu Ting’s era in Henan), Ning Ching-t’ung, WW 1993:6, 61-64. Several
ko
about 27 to 28 cm. in length recovered from P’an-lung-ch’eng show the degree to which
ko
in the Erh-li-kang had already evolved. Three have rhomboidal blades with straight tabs and slight downward curves, projecting flanges, and single tab holes; another has a straight tab but no curve in the blade; one 27 cm. long has a curved handle with a very open stylized motif, a short tab 4.8 cm. long and a blade about 4 cm. wide; two others, 26.8 and 29.2 cm. long, have hooked tabs with decorative designs, flanges, and rhomboidal blades. Finally, two termed
k’uei
, one 29.8 cm. and the other 28.4, though more triangular, are not really fat and bulgy; however, they have no flanges, just reduced tabs with binding holes and the usual lashing holes on the upper portion of the blade. (See Li T’ao-yüan,
Pan-lung-ch’eng Ch’ing-t’ung Wen-hua
, 2002, 130-135.)
31
For an example of a 45-degree blade from the Western Chou, see Pei-ching-shih Wen-wu Kuan-li-ch’u, KK 1976:4, 252.
32
See the references in note 23.
33
Although many articles include a few speculative statements, the classic discussion of dagger-axe fighting techniques remains Shen Jung’s KK 1992:1, 69-75. Though fully cognizant
of his analysis, our conclusions are based primarily on experiments with replica weapons employed by experienced martial artists.
34
Wen Kung, eleventh year.
35
For example, see Yang Po-chün,
Ch’un-ch’iu Tso-chuan-chu
, 1990, Vol. 2, 582, or Chung Shao-yi, WW 1995:11, 55-56, who believes it was a cross-shaped
ko
. (It is possible to punctuate the sentence somewhat differently and read it as “struck his throat and used a
ko
to slay him.”)
36
See Ronan O’Flaherty,
Antiquity
81 (2007): 425-426.
37
Terming it a “
k’uei
” or “
chü
” based on later texts describing ritual weapons, although said to be incorrect, is common. (See Shen Jung, WW 1993:3, 78-84.)
38
Ch’eng-ku has been identified with the Pa culture (Huang Shang-ming, KKWW 2002:5, 40-45).
39
Shen Jung, WW 1993:3, 78-84; Chang Wen-hsiang, KKWW 1996:2, 44-49; Li Hsüehch’in and Ai Lan, WW 1991:1, 20-25. However, Sun Hua, JEAA 5 (2006): 310, asserts that the
k’uei
-style
ko
originated in Sichuan rather than Ch’eng-ku. In contradiction, Li Chien-min, KK 2001:5, 60-61, sees the basic type originating in the Hsia but being modified at Hsin-kan. Chen Fangmei also regards the leaf-shaped
ko
at Hsin-kan as a distinctive type. (For context, see also Zhang Changshou, JEAA 2, nos. 1-2 [2000]: 251-272.) For an example of a very simple
k’uei
with a long tab and a single hole, 18 cm. long by 7 cm. wide, that dates approximately to Wu Ting’s era, see Ning Ching-t’ung, WW 1993:6, 61-64.
40
See Shen Jung, WW 1993:3, 78-84. (Ch’eng-ku has an early crescent-shaped
ko
with four lashing holes.)
41
For an example with this exact size from Ch’eng-ku, see Kou Pao-p’ing, KK 1996:5, 50. Unlike the original form, there tends to be much less variation in size and extremely long versions are rare, no doubt because of the large amount of copper required and the greater weight.
42
Recent experiments to determine the lethalness of the much-maligned Irish halberd—a piercing rather than crushing weapon—conducted on sheep heads led to the conclusion that the “thought alone” assessments that had disparaged it as a clumsy, ineffective, or perhaps purely symbolic or ritual weapon due to weak hafting, blade fragility, and other factors were wrong. It was further determined that the somewhat rounded tip (similar to the relatively blunt-shaped triangular
ko
) provided strength on impact, was designed to strike bone rather than muscle, and easily penetrated the skull. (See Ronan O’Flaherty,
Antiquity
81 [2007]: 423-434.)
43
Shen Jung, WW 1993:3, 80-82.
44
The character, which is said not to have existed prior to the Eastern Chou, was written in several ways during the Warring States period, including with
ko
on the right and a chariot pennant on the left (as discovered on the two famous
chi
bearing Shang Yang’s and Lü Pu-wei’s names), but always included the
ko
. (See Chung Shao-yi, WW 1995:11, 58.)
As Yang Hung pointed out in his “Chung-kuo Ku-tai te Chi,” prior to the discovery of actual specimens, the
K’ao-kung Chi
’s discussion of the
chi
’s design prompted some strange misconceptions. Only a few other dedicated articles have pondered the
chi
to date, including three classics: Ma Heng, “Ko Chi chih Yen-chiu,” 1929.5: 745-753; Kuo Muo-jo, “Shuo Chi,” 1931 (1954 reprint), 172-186; and Kuo Pao-chün, BIHP 5.3 (1935); Chung Shao-yi’s recent study, WW 1995:11, 54- 60, provides a useful review of the literature and changing opinions about its design, nature, and nomenclature.
45
P’eng Shih-fan and Yang Jih-hsin, WW 1993:7, 14, note that the so-called hooked
chi
(called a
k’uei
by Tsou Hung), which combines a
tao
with a
ko
rather than a spear (seen in a singular example from Pao-chi Yü-ch’üan), is not Shang in origin. It should be remembered that (at least in contemporary martial arts practice) Chinese spears are not just employed for thrusting, but are also frequently used in a slashing and cutting mode.
46
The earliest example has been found at Kao-ch’eng T’ai-hsi in Hebei. (See Ho-pei-sheng Po-wu-kuan, WW 1974:8.) The discovery was quite fortuitous because the warrior’s body had
a socketed bronze
ko
on his right side and the combined dagger-axe/spear on his left. In the absence of shaft remnants or impressions, the discovery of the two parts would normally not have led to the conclusion that they comprised parts of a combined weapon. (Yang Hung [157] remarks that the
ko
’s shaft was 87 cm. but the
chi
’s only 64. However, the addition of the spearhead would result in an equivalent weapon length.)
47
Chung Shao-yi, WW 1995:11, 54-60, especially 55-56, asserts that the
chi
that resulted from extending the top portion of the
ko
blade upward in a curve, producing a point, was a distinctively Western Chou weapon that proliferated in the Kuan-chung and central plains areas in the early and middle periods and disappeared in the Spring and Autumn. Moreover, according to evidence found at Liu-li-ho, it should be called a
ko
and therefore named a “cross-shaped
ko
” to distinguish it from the latter unitary
chi
of Spring and Autumn invention.