Brothers in Arms (109 page)

Read Brothers in Arms Online

Authors: Odd Arne Westad

Tags: #Political Science, #International Relations, #General, #test

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Britain and the U.S. alone have 31 universities and specialized schools, 32 religious educational institutions, 29 libraries, 26 cultural organizations, 324 high schools, 2,364 elementary schools, 3,729 religious missions, 93 religious organizations, 147 hospitals, and 53 philanthropic organizations.
The CCP Central Committee has decided to stop the publication of the existing foreign newspapers and magazines and discontinue the activity of foreign news agencies and correspondents. This decision is being carried out locally. But since in Shanghai the imperialists still have in their hands a few economically vital facilities, the CCP Central Committee has approved the proposal of our Shanghai comrades to
refrain for the time being from action on the above-mentioned decision:
but we are getting ready to carry it out in the future. With regard to the schools and hospitals owned by imperialist countries in China, we still allow them to continue their activity provided they abide by our laws. But we shall not permit the opening of new schools and hospitals in China. In the future, once we are able to run these educational institutions and hospitals by ourselves, we shall take them over.
We allow foreign religious organizations to continue their activity provided they observe our laws, but simultaneously we are carrying out antireligious propaganda.
The lands of religious missions and churches are confiscated and distributed with the consent of the believers,
(Yes.)
The land owned by other foreign institutions and organizations is also confiscated and distributed.
We do not recognize diplomats of foreign states in China and regard them as foreign residents. As a result of our policy on this issue the people see that China has already risen and that the CCP does not fear the imperialists. Besides, this enables us to avoid much trouble, for members of democratic parties and groups no longer dare maintain relations and meet diplomats from imperialist countries, and even common people dare not meet these foreigners from the imperialist countries.
Diplomats representing imperialist countries in China are turning to us with requests and trying to establish relations with us in order to obtain de facto recognition. No one in Chinese history has ever dared to pursue a policy toward foreigners in China the like of which we are pursuing. But, as a consequence, foreign residents, feeling all kinds of inconveniences, are turning to us in great numbers with requests for permission to leave China. Simultaneously, we are also experiencing certain inconveniences in this connection. In the territory of liberated China there are about 120,000 foreign residents, of whom more than 65,000 live in Shanghai alone. In Manchuria there are 54,000 foreigners, the larger part of them being Soviet citizens, with the Japanese coming second.
Right after the formation of a new central government will come the question of establishing official diplomatic relations with foreign states and of our participation in the UN and other international organizations and at international conferences.
Probably for some period of time imperialist states will be ignoring us or will put forward conditions with strings attached. in exchange for any recognition they would grant us.
What should

 

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our policy be on this issue?
(Discriminatory. He who does not recognize China should not be given any easy terms in trade with China (a crisis in the U.S. will compel the U.S. to value trade with China). Use Chinese merchants for this purpose.)
Naturally we shall not accept conditions that might hamper our actions, but should we take active steps to gain recognition from these states and thus
secure a legitimate position for carrying out international activity?
But, on the other hand,
had we not better wait and not hurry to gain recognition from these states?
(Yes! Better not hurry.)
Had we not better get down to purging our domestic front to avoid trouble?
(Yes!)
After the formation of a new government in China will the USSR and the new democracies give early recognition to the new government of China even if imperialist countries ignore us in their policy?
(Yes.)
If imperialist countries adopt a policy of granting recognition to the new government in China, we will be ready then to establish diplomatic relations with these countries and would like the USSR to recognize us before other countries do.
We are going to revise every treaty and every agreement that the Guomindang government has signed with foreign states. In this way we shall adhere to the following principle: We are prepared to recognize and
act on all the treaties which are in the interests of Chinese people. peace and democracy throughout the world, that is, UN status, the Cairo Declaration, the Treaty of Friendship and Alliance between China and the USSR,
But we are prepared to abrogate all the treaties harmful to the interests of the Chinese people, peace and democracy throughout the world, that is, the treaty on trade and high seas navigation between China and the U.S. We are going to recognize some treaties upon adequate amendments.
(Yes.)
After foreign states have recognized new China, we are going to take part in the work of the UN and other international organizations, especially in various international organizations having to do with Japan. In our policy in international relations we shall certainly be at one with the USSR, and we have already made some elucidations to this effect to the democratic parties and groups.
(Yes!)
Some nonpartisan people criticized our policy for its pro-USSR slant, but Comrade Mao Zedong told them that our policy would be leaning toward the USSR, for it would be an error should we not stand together with the USSR in the struggle against the imperialist front but take a middle road. Upon such elucidations all democratic parties and groups, jointly with the CCP, signed and published a statement against the North Atlantic Pact. We would like to get instructions from the Soviet Communist Party and Comrade Joseph Stalin on various foreign policy issues.
4. Soviet-Chinese Relations
The strong friendship between the great peoples of the USSR and China is of paramount importance for our two countries and the entire world. It is crucial particularly for the independence of China and its constructive development. The CCP Central Committee is fully awake to the importance of this matter. The CCP shall stint no effort in the cause of strengthening the friendship between our two peoples.

 

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The Soviet-Chinese Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation has been of great use to the Chinese people. The new government of China will accept this treaty, and this will be a still greater contribution for the benefit of the peoples of China and the USSR, especially for the Chinese people. We fully desire to accept this treaty. While establishing their diplomatic relations, the USSR and new China will have to give closer attention to this treaty. In general, they could act with regard to this treaty according to one of the following three options:
1. The new government of China will state its complete acceptance of this treaty as valid, without any amendments whatsoever.
2. Proceeding from the original text of the treaty, representatives of both governments will conclude a new treaty of friendship and alliance between the USSR and China which, in conformity with the new situation, would be amended in style and substance.
3. Representatives of the governments of both countries will exchange notes to the effect that the present treaty temporarily remains what it is but state that they are prepared to revise it at an opportune moment.
Which of the above three variants is best?
(Settle the issue upon Mao Zedong's arrival in Moscow.)
Some persons from democratic parties, students, and workers raised the issues about the Soviet troops stationed in Port Arthur, about the independence of Mongolia, and about the removal by the Soviet Union of machinery from Manchuria.
(From Manchuria we have removed Japanese capital but partially, far from completely.)
We gave the following explanations to these people.
If, being unable to defend our coast by ourselves, we had not agreed to have Soviet troops stationed in Port Arthur, we would have helped the imperialists that way.
On the issue of the Mongolian People's Republic, we said that the Mongolian people, in keeping with the principle of national self-determination, had demanded independence and thus we ought to recognize Mongolia's independence. But if the MPR wished to join China, we would welcome that. It is the Mongolian people alone that has the right to decide on this issue.
(Yes.)
On the issue of the removal by the Soviet Union of machinery from Manchuria we said that these machines had belonged to the Japanese, and that the Soviet Union had taken this equipment as war booty for use at home for socialist construction. Another consideration was that this equipment might get into the hands of the Chinese reactionary party that could use it in its struggle against the Chinese people. The USSR was absolutely fight in doing that.
Are these explanations of ours correct?
We would like to settle as soon as possible matters related to establishing postal, telegraph, railway, and air services with the USSR and, also, we would like to set up a joint Soviet-Chinese air company. How is this to be done?
(Yes. We shall help.)

 

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How will it be best to establish relations with the people's democracies of East Europe and to trade with them?
(By means of direct negotiations with them.)
Having for a long time stayed in the countryside waging guerrilla war, we, therefore, have a poor knowledge of external affairs. Today we are to govern such a large state, steer economic construction, and carry on diplomatic activity. We yet have a good deal to learn. Of great significance in this respect are instructions and assistance to us from the Soviet Communist Party. We are badly in need of these instructions and of this assistance. Besides the sending of Soviet experts to China for assistance to us, we would like to have Soviet teachers sent to China for lecturing and to have delegations sent from China to the USSR for firsthand acquaintance and learning. Besides, we would like to send students for a course of education in the USSR.
(Yes.)
On the question of relations between the Soviet Communist Party and the CCP, Comrade Mao Zedong and the CCP Central Committee maintain the following:
The Soviet Communist Party is the main headquarters of the international Communist movement, while the Communist Party of China is only a single-front headquarters. The interests of a part should be subordinated to international interests and, therefore,
the CCP submits to decisions of the Soviet Communist Party,
though the Comintern is no longer in existence and the CCP is not within the Information Bureau of European Communist Parties.
(No!)
If on some questions differences should arise between the CCP and the Soviet Communist Party, the CCP, having outlined its point of view, will submit and will resolutely
carry out decisions of the Soviet Communist Party.
(No!)
We believe it is necessary to establish the
closest mutual ties between the two parties,
exchange
appropriate authorized political representation
so as to decide questions of interest to our two parties and, besides, achieve better mutual understanding between our parties.
(Yes!)
Comrade Mao Zedong wishes to visit Moscow, but now he cannot arrive in Moscow in secret, and he has to wait for the USSR and China to establish diplomatic relations before he could visit Moscow legally. We ask for advice as to when Mao Zedong could come to Moscow and how to best do that.
(Yes. Late in 1949 upon establishment of diplomatic relations.)
We ask for instructions on the above questions.
We fully agree with the conditions which Comrade Joseph Stalin has set concerning the Soviet Union's loan to China amounting to $300,000,000, and we are grateful to the Soviet Union for its aid to the Chinese people.
(But what about silver?)
We wish the Soviet Communist Party's Central Committee and Comrade Stalin not to hesitate in giving instructions to the CCP and in criticizing its work and policy.
Source: APRF, f. 45, op. 1, d. 328, 11-50. The translation is based on Andrei Ledovsky's in the Russian journal
Far Eastern Affairs,
no. 4, 1996, 70-85, but amended according to the original document.

 

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