García, meanwhile, was preparing for the meeting at his costume shop. At 10 a.m., Belmont got another call from Malone in New York. “We got Mr. Three in sight,” said a tense Malone. “Roberto Santiesteban is walking along Riverside Drive, heading for a car with a diplomatic license plate.”
“Grab them all,” ordered Belmont. “Round them up.”
The agents closed in, but Santiesteban looked behind him, sensed their intentions and—beep-beep!—took off like the Roadrunner. He was sprinting down the sidewalk and hurdling hedges like a true Olympian. As he ran, he was jamming paper in his mouth and chewing furiously.
But six FBI agents were after him. Their hats (mandatory, no Starsky and Hutch attire back then) immediately flew off when they sprang to the chase. Their leather shoes slapped the concrete and their ties flapped furiously over their shoulders as they sprinted and leaped in hot pursuit. Finally they surrounded the suspect. They stood there panting and glaring at him. Finally an agent pounced. Santiesteban dodged him. Another FBI man grabbed hold, but the slippery Castroite spun and broke his tackle. Santiesteban dodged and weaved frantically, but the FBI guys managed to gang-swarm him. Santiesteban fell, raging and cursing, flailing his arms and jabbing his elbows like a maniac. They grabbed his arm and bent it behind his back just as he was reaching for his pistol.
Suero was plucked from his car without incident. His lady friend was questioned and released. García was in his costume shop stacking grenades and detonators in a vault when he heard the door open. “So early, Roberto!”
8
he said without turning. His shop had been locked. Only Roberto Santiesteban had a key. The G-men nabbed García.
Another group of agents had the much easier task of arresting the Cuban missions switchboard operator, Elsa Gómez, and her husband, José, as they left their apartment on West 71st Street. They gave in without a struggle.
The FBI estimated that from twenty-five to fifty others might have been involved in the plot. They soon discovered from interrogation and captured documents that the target list was even bigger than they had guessed. It included Manhattan’s main bus terminal, oil refineries on the New Jersey shore, and the Statue of Liberty.
Castro and his UN diplomats wailed about “police brutality” and “diplomatic immunity.” But on November 21, Santiesteban, Suero, and García were indicted for sabotage, conspiracy, and acting as unauthorized agents of a foreign government. Five months later, all were safely back in Cuba. We exchanged them for CIA agents that Castro had held since the Bay of Pigs invasion.
Had the Castroite terrorists succeeded in their plot, September 11, 2001, would be remembered as the second-deadliest terrorist attack on U.S. soil. How did the FBI foil Castro’s men? With very gauche tactics: no computers, satellites, or graduate degrees in “systems analysis.” Instead, they used wiretaps, payoffs, and shady characters. They often resorted to shameless guile, rampant double-crossing, and malicious backstabbing. It was a lot like serving in Congress. And, of course, it was Congress that gleefully dismantled the old Hoover FBI and rendered it incapable of preventing September 11, 2001, the way it prevented November 23, 1962.
Castroite espionage continues against the United States. In June 2003, President Bush expelled fourteen Cuban “diplomats” for engaging in “unacceptable activities.” Seven worked—surprise!—at the United Nations. On September 14, 1998, the FBI arrested fourteen Castro spies in Miami who were known as the “Wasp network.” According to the FBI’s affidavit, these Castro agents were engaged in, among other things:
• Intelligence gathering against the Boca Chica Naval Air Station in Key West, the MacDill Air Force Base in Tampa, and the headquarters of the U.S. Southern Command in Homestead, Florida
• Sending letter bombs to Cuban Americans
• One Castro agent, Antonio Guerrero, had compiled the names and home addresses of the U.S. Southern Command’s top officers, along with those of hundreds of officers stationed at Boca Chica.
• Two other spies, Joseph Santos and Amarylis Silverio, were charged with infiltrating the spanking new headquarters of the U.S. Southern Command.
• A third man, Luis Medina, was spying on MacDill Air Force Base, the U.S. Armed Forces’ worldwide headquarters for fighting “low-intensity” conflicts.
At the bail hearings, assistant U.S. district attorney Caroline Heck Miller said the urgency to act on the case was because “the defendant has made allusions to the prospect of sabotage being visited on buildings and airplanes in the Southern District of Florida.”
Interestingly,
Jane’s Defense Weekly
, the preeminent journalistic authority on military matters, reported on March 6, 1996, that since the early 1990s Cuban commandos had been training in Vietnam for attacks on installations remarkably similar to the Boca Chica and MacDill bases, with the “political objective” of bringing “the reality of warfare to the American public.” Apparently the FBI didn’t see any linkage. The
Jane’s
article came out two years before the FBI arrested the Wasp spies.
These spies had also infiltrated the Cuban exile group Brothers to the Rescue. From them, Castro got the exact flight plan that resulted in the shooting down in February 1996 of two of the group’s unarmed planes, which were flying a humanitarian mission. The pilots routinely flew over the Florida straits to rescue Cubans fleeing the Communist regime. Given that an estimated 50,000 to 87,000 Cubans have died in the “cemetery without crosses,” these pilots were risking their lives to save desperate
balseros
from joining that terrible tally. Castro, Ted Turner’s fishing buddy (Ted calls him “one helluva guy”), couldn’t stand for that. So his MiG jets shot the planes down, over international waters, without warning and without trying to turn them aside. It was simply murder. Even the United Nation’s Security Council condemned the attack.
Of the fourteen Castro spies charged in the Wasp network case, four managed to escape to Cuba, five pleaded guilty, and five pleaded innocent. At their Miami trial, the five pleading innocent had some vociferous defense witnesses, as you might imagine. What you might not imagine is that these staunch defense witnesses were two retired U.S. Army generals. Apparently planning attacks on U.S. military bases and being accomplices in the murder of four U.S. citizens mattered little to Generals Charles Wilhelm and Edward Atkeson. They spoke eloquently, and apparently authoritatively, in defense of Castro’s spies. Wilhelm himself was the former head of the U.S. Southern Command and Atkeson had been the Army’s deputy chief of staff for intelligence. Both men had served under President Clinton and had apparently absorbed the Clinton administration’s policy of downplaying the Cuban threat. I’d love to know how the FBI reacted to their courtroom adversaries—American generals trying to discredit the FBI for uncovering the biggest espionage cell since the Cold War.
Wilhelm testified that he had scoffed at the FBI’s repeated warnings about the spies infiltrating his command. No one could
possibly
penetrate his command’s foolproof security, he insisted. Well, the jury scoffed at Wilhelm and Atkeson. The jury—from which Cuban Americans were excluded—found all five Castro spies guilty as charged.
Right after the trial, Generals Wilhelm and Atkeson visited Havana for a chummy session with Maximum Leader Fidel and Maximum Brother Raul. General Atkeson even wrote an article in
Army
magazine about the meetings: “The
Comandante en jefe
appeared in the doorway. The well-pressed, upscale, fatigue uniform set him off immediately from his bland escorts. There were smiles all around as the poignancy of the moment became clear.”
Both U.S. generals belong to the Center for Defense Information, a think tank that declared, “Each year, a delegation of U.S. military experts organized by the Center for Defense Information meets with Cuban military and political officials in Havana to explore ways the two countries might cooperate on regional security concerns.” Clinton’s former drug czar, General Barry McCaffrey, is a founding member of this non-governmental body.
In 1999, heavily influenced by these Clintonista generals, the Pentagon issued an official intelligence assessment that declared, “Cuba is no longer a threat to the U.S.”
“This as an objective report by serious people,” proclaimed Fidel Castro from Havana. “Cuba can no longer project itself beyond the boundaries of Cuba,” said General Wilhelm in praise of the Defense Department report. “No evidence exists that Cuba is trying to foment any instability in the Western Hemisphere.”
9
Tell it to the Venezuelans and Colombians, General Wilhelm. But the big shoe fell on these Clintonista generals two years later—two days after September 11, 2001, in fact—when the Defense Department’s top Latin American expert, the agency’s “Cuba specialist,” Ana Belen Montes, was arrested by the FBI as a Castro spy. She had authored the “Cuba is no threat” intelligence report that the shrewd generals had so recently and officially blessed.
10
Worse, “Montes passed some of the United States’ most sensitive information about Cuba back to Havana,” said John Bolton, undersecretary for arms control and international security at the State Department.
11
Lieutenant Commander James E. Brooks, a spokesman for the Defense Intelligence Agency, gasped that “he and his colleagues were
‘stunned’
at the news!” of this spying.
12
Just as intelligence professionals four decades earlier were “stunned” to learn that Castro was a Communist, “stunned” to learn he was stacking up nuclear missiles, and “stunned” to learn that Cuba was a big training camp for terrorists (the IRA, Black Panthers, PLO, and Carlos the Jackal are all alumni). They were “stunned” when it was revealed that Castro was a major drug trafficker and stunned that he sent troops to fight in Africa. Castro is always stunning American intelligence officials who cannot believe that a major terrorist regime is just off the coast of Florida.
Castro still dreams of turning the cold war hot. In August 2001, Castro visited Teheran to chum it up with the Iranian mullahs. “America is weak!” Castro declared at Teheran University. “We see this weakness up front. But don’t worry, the mighty King will fall! Together Iran and Cuba can bring America to her knees!”
13
The crowd went nuts, as you might expect—Castro had been jerking the Great Satan’s chain from only ninety miles away for almost half a century—and getting away with it.
The year before, on September 18, 2000, in an exclusive interview with Al-Jazeera television, Castro raved: “We are not ready for reconciliation with the United States, and I will not reconcile with the imperialist system!”
14
As of 2003, Cuba jams our satellite broadcasts into Iran using technology from China, which acquired it from the Clinton administration.
“Given its high economic and industrial potentials, Iran is prepared to collaborate with Cuba in all domains,” declared Iranian Majlis speaker Gholam-Ali Haddad Adel in a meeting with the visiting Cuban vice president and chairman of Cuba’s Olympic committee, José Ramón Fernandez, on January 16, 2005. “The solidarity between our nations and governments is the key to overcoming the U.S. hegemonic pressures. Cuban president Fidel Castro is a symbol of resistance against the U.S. throughout the world,” said Adel. For his part, Fernandez expressed his country’s interest in bolstering ties with Iran: “The Cuban government and nation will stand against the U.S. pressures and stand beside the Iranian nation.” Fernandez also expressed his country’s support for the undeniable right of the Iranian nation to have access to nuclear technology.
15
“The unilateral nature of U.S. policy in her international relations must stop,” declared Iranian ambassador to Cuba Ahmad Edrissian. “The U.S. cannot continue violating international law and it should respect the national sovereignty of other nations. There is no doubt that Iran is strengthening her economic and political relations with Cuba, and there exist other areas of interest for cooperation.” Cuba is constructing a biomedical plant in Iran for “vaccinations against hepatitis B and the manufacture of interferon,” we’re told.
16
Given that American intelligence is so often stunned about Castro, it’s probably not surprising that Hollywood and the liberal elite fawn over the guy. “Cuba’s own Elvis!”—that’s how Dan Rather once described his friend Fidel Castro.
17
Oliver Stone, another friend, describes Fidel as “very selfless and moral” and “one of the world’s wisest men.”
18
“A genius!” agreed Jack Nicholson. Naomi Campbell said meeting Castro was “a dream come true!”
19
According to Norman Mailer, Castro is “the first and greatest hero to appear in the world since the Second World War.”
20
Jean-Paul Sartre said, “Castro is at the same time the island, the men, the cattle, and the earth. He is the whole island.”
21
Not to be confused with the gallant Che Guevara, of course, whom Sartre pronounced, “the most complete human being of the twentieth century.”
22
Actress Gina Lollobrigida cooed, “Castro is an extraordinary man. He is warm and understanding and seems extremely humane.”
23
Francis Ford Coppola simply noted, “Fidel, I love you. We both have the same initials. We both have beards. We both have power and want to use it for good purposes.”
24
Harry Belafonte added: “If you believe in freedom, if you believe in justice, if you believe in democracy, you have no choice but to support Fidel Castro!”
25
All this for a dictator who plotted a bigger mass murder of Americans than Osama bin Laden carried out on September 11, 2001.