First Among Equals (39 page)

“Is the Right
Honorable Gentleman also aware that an admiral, on an index-linked income, can
hope to end his career with a pension of over five hundred pounds a week while
Mrs. Dora Benson’s weekly income remains fixed at forty-seven pounds
thirty-two?”

There was a
gasp even from the Conservative benches as Raymond sat down.

Simon rose again,
uncomfortably aware that he was unprepared for Gould’s attack and must stifle
it as quickly as possible. “I was not aware of that particular comparison
either, but once again, I can assure the Right Honorable Gentleman I will give
the case my immediate consideration.”

To Simon’s
horror Raymond rose from the benches for yet a third time. Simon could see that
Labour members were enjoying the rare spectacle of watching him up against the
ropes. “Is the Right Honorable Gentleman also aware that the annuity for a
Victoria Cross is one hundred pounds, with no extra pension benefits? We pay
our secondstring soccer players more, while keeping Mrs. Benson in the bottom
league of the national income bracket.”

Simon looked
distinctly harassed when he in turn rose for a fourth time and made an
uncharacteristic remark that he regretted the moment he said it.

“I take the
Right Honorable Gentleman’s point,” he began, his words coming out a little too
quickly. “And I am fascinated by his sudden interest in Mrs. Benson. Would it
be cynical of me to suggest that it has been prompted by the wide publicity
this case has enjoyed in the national press?”

Raymond made no
attempt to answer him but sat motionless with his arms folded and his feet up
on the table in front of him while his own backbenchers screamed their abuse at
Simon.

The national
papers the next day were covered with pictures of the arthritic Dora Benson
with her bucket and mop alongside photos of her handsome young husband in
private’s uniform. Many of the papers went on to describe how Albert Benson had
won his VC, and some of the tabloids used considerable license. But all of them
picked up Raymond’s point.

It was an
enterprising and unusually thorough journalist from the Guardian who led her
story on a different angle which the rest of the national press had to turn to
in their second editions. It became known that Raymond Gould had put down
fortyseven questions concerning war widows’ pension rights during his time in
the House and had spoken on the subject in three budgets and five socialservice
debates from the back benches. When the journalist revealed that Raymond gave
five hundred pounds a year to the Erskine Hospital for wounded soldiers, every
member knew that Simon Kerslake would have to retract his personal attack on
the Shadow spokesman and make an apology to the House.

At three-thirty
the Speaker rose from his chair and told a packed house that the Secretary of
State for Defense wished to make a statement.

Simon Kerslake
rose humbly from the front bench, and stood nervously at the dispatch box.

“Mr. Speaker,”
he began. “With your permission and that of the House, I would like to make a
personal statement.

During a
question put to me yesterday I impugned the integrity of the Right Honorable
Gentleman, the Member for Leeds North. It has since been brought to my
attention that I did him a gross injustice and I offer the House my sincere
apologies and the Right Honorable Gentleman the assurance that I will not
question his integrity a third time.”

While newer
members were puzzled by the reference, Raymond understood it immediately. Aware
of how rare personal statements were in anyone’s parliamentary career, members
looked on eagerly to see how Raymond would respond.

He moved slowly
to the dispatch box.

“Mr. Speaker, I
accept the gracious manner in which the Honorable Gentleman has apologized and
hope that he will not lose sight of the greater issue, namely that of war
widows’ benefits, and in particular the plight of Mrs. Dora Benson.”

Simon looked
relieved and nodded courteously.

The following
morning, the Times editorial declared: “In an age of militant demands from the
left, Parliament and the Labour Party have found a new Clement Attlee on their
front bench. Britain need have no fear for human dignity or the rights of man
should Raymond Gould ever accede to the high office which that gentleman held.”

Many Opposition
members told Raymond he should have gone for Simon when he was down. Raymond
disagreed. It was enough to know that Simon Kerslake was fallible.

The Broadsword
factor remained in the memories of the electorate for a far shorter time than
had the Falklands victory’ and within six months the Conservative lead in the
opinion polls had dropped to only 3 percent.

“The truth is,”
noted Raymond at a Shadow Cabinet meeting, “Mrs. Thatcher has had nearly eight
years at NumberTen, and no Prime Minister has served two full terms in
succession-let alone three-since Lord Liverpool at 1812.”

Margaret
Thatcher cared nothing for Lord Liverpool or historical precedent: she called
an election the following Junethe month that had been a winner for her in the
past.

“It’s time to
let the nation choose who is to govern for the next five years,” she declared
on Panorama.

“Nothing to do
with the fact she has regained a slight lead in the opinion polls,” said Joyce
tartly.

“A lead that
could well disappear during the next few weeks,” said Raymond.

He returned to
Yorkshire for only three days of the campaign because, as one of the Party’s
leading spokesmen, he had to dash around the country addressing meeting after
meeting in marginal seats. Many journalists went as far as to suggest that were
Raymond leading the Party, they would be in a much stronger position to win the
election.

Back in Leeds,
however, he enjoyed his electioneering and felt completely relaxed with his
constituents for the first time in his life. He also felt his age when he
discovered that the new Tory candidate for Leeds North had been born in 1964,
the year he had first entered Parhament. When they met, the only insult Raymond
suffered at his young rival’s hands was being called “sir.”

“Please call me
by my Christian name,” said Raymond.

“Raymond...”
began the young man.

“No, Ray will
do just fine.”

The final result
of the election did not become clear until four o’clock on Friday afternoon.
Only a few thousand votes determined the outcome:

CONSERVATIVES
317

LABOUR 288

LIBERAL/SDP
ALLIANCE 24

IRISH 17

SPEAKER AND
OTHERS 4

Although Mrs.
Thatcher did not have more seats than the other parties put together, she still
led the largest party in the House and remained at Number 10. She made very few
changes to her front-bench team, as she clearly wished to leave an impression
of unity. Charles moved to the Home Office, while Simon became Foreign
Secretary. The press dubbed it “The Cosmetic Cabinet.”

That
post-election calm was to last a complete week before Tony Benn roUed a
thundercloud across the clear blue summer sky by announcing he would contest
the leadership of the Labour Party at the October conference.

Benn claimed
that Kinnock’s naive and gauche approach as Leader had been the single reason
that the Labour Party had not been returned to power.

There were many
Labourites who agreed with this judgment, but they also felt they would have
fared considerably worse under Benn.

What his
announcement did, however, was to make respectable the claims of any other
candidates who wished to run.

Roy Hattersley
and John Smith joined Berm and Kinnock as nominees.

Many members of
Parliament, trade-union leaders and constituency activists pressed Raymond to
run for the Leadership. Joyce was the most vociferous of all.

“If you don’t
run now,” she told him,

“
you’ll
have no chance in the future.”

“It’s the
future I’m thinking about,” replied Raymond.

“What do you
mean?”

“I want to run
for Deputy Leader. It’s still the recognized number two spot, and it won’t stop
me from holding a key Shadow Cabinet post. And, most important, it will secure
me a power base within the Party, which would give me a better chance next
time.”

Raymond waited
another week before he launched his candidacy. At a packed Monday-morning press
conference, he announced that the Lorry Union was nominating him. Norman
Edwards made the motion.

With four
candidates in the field for the Leadership, everyone knew that the first ballot
would be inconclusive, although most prophets accepted that Benn would lead.
Kinnock confided to Raymond that if he came in lower than second he would
advise his supporters to vote for whichever of the other moderates looked able
to beat Benn in the second ballot.

The first round
went exactly as predicted, with Benn coming in first. The second ballot
surprised everyone but Raymond. With Kinnock’s supporters voting for Benn’s
closest rival, the Party chairman was able to announce a few hours later that
Tony Benn had been soundly beaten. The Labour Party had a new moderate Leader.

At eleven
o’clock that same night the chairman announced that by a mere 3 percent Raymond
Gould had defeated two other candidates to become the newly elected Deputy
Leader of the Labour Party. The unions had agreed to allow their members to
vote individually, rather than en bloc, but after the vote had been announced,
Raymond was pleased to acknowledge a wink from Norman Edwards.

The new Leader
immediately appointed Raymond Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer. Among the
many letters and telegrams Raymond received was one from Mrs. Kate Wilberhoff,
which read:

“Congratulations.

But have you
read Standing Order No. 5(4) of the Party Constitution?”

Raymond hadn’t,
and replied, “Hadn’t.

Have now. Let’s
hope it’s an omen.”

After nearly a
decade of the lady from Grantham, Raymond sensed the mood was for change. In their
first twelve months, the new Labour team looked fresh and innovative as Mrs.
Thatcher began to look tired and out oftouch.

During the
long, cold winter of 1988 the Conservatives lost several votes on the floor of
the House and many more upstairs in committee. The Prime Minister seemed
somewhat relieved to find
herself
spending Christmas
at Chequers.

The relief did
not last long, as two elderly Conservative members died before the House
convened in January.

The press
dubbed the Government the “lame drake” administration. Both of the pending
by-elections were held in May, and the Conservatives fared far better than
might have been expected in holding on to one seat and just losing the other.
For a fourth time, Mrs. Thatcher plumped for a June election.

The monthly
unemployment, inflation and import/export figures announced at regular
intervals during their fourth campaign all augured badly for the Conservatives.
The Prime Minister’s reiterated plea that a government shouldn’t be judged on
one month’s figures began to sound unconvincing, and by the final week, the
only point of contention was whether the Labour Party would end up with a large
enough
majority
to govern.

Raymond
collapsed into bed at four when the result was still unclear. He was in the
middle of a dream when he was abruptly wakened by Joyce’s screams from the
kitchen.

“We’ve won.
We’ve won.”

He hadn’t in
his dream.

Raymond and
Joyce toured the constituency that morning before joining Raymond’s parents for
a late lunch. When they left the little butcher shop that afternoon, awaiting
Raymond on the pavement was a crowd of well-wishers who cheered him all the way
to his car. Raymond and Joyce traveled down to London and were back in Cowley
Street in time to watch the first Labour Prime Minister since 1979 emerge from
Buckingham Palace with the television cameras following him all the way back
until he took up residence at 10 Downing Street.

This time
Raymond did not have long to wait for a telephone call because the first
appointment the new Prime Minister confirmed was Raymond’s, as his Chancellor
of the Exchequer. Raymond and Joyce moved into Number I I later that afternoon,
instructing real estate agents to rent their Cowley Street house on a shortterm
lease. After all, the Labour Party had only won by four seats.

Leaving the Home Office came as a great blow to Charles.
He
informed Amanda over breakfast on the Monday after the election that he would
be returning to Hampton’s Bank and that his salary would be sufficient for her
allowance to remain constant-as long as she behaved herself Amanda nodded and
left the breakfast table without comment, as Harry came in.

It was an
important morning for Harry, as he was to be taken to his first day of school
at Hill House to begin the academic course mapped out for him by his father.
Though Charles tried to convince him that it would be the start of a wonderful
adventure, Harry looked apprehensive. Once he had deposited a tearful
eight-year-old with his first headmaster, Charles continued on to the 374

City, cheerful at the prospect of returning to the world of
banking.

When he arrived
at Hampton’s, he was met by Clive Reynolds’s secretary, who immediately took
him through to the boardroom and asked him if he would like a coffee.

“Thank you,”
said Charles, taking off his gloves, placing his umbrella in the stand and
settling himself in the chairman’s seat at the head of the table. “And would
you tell Mr. Reynolds I’m in?”

“Certainly,”
said the secretary.

Clive Reynolds
joined him a few moments later.

“Good morning,
Mr. Hampton. How nice to see you again after such a long time,” said Reynolds,
shaking Charles by the
hand.