15.
WP
, p. 180 [11] for the fleet. Gillingham, ‘William’, p. 157, Hooper, ‘A-S at War’, p. 198, Barlow,
Feudal Kingdom
, p. 82 almost appreciates this point.
16.
ASC
D 1066 for this landmark.
DB Sussex
, 9: 21 for this estate. C.H. Lemmon ‘The Campaign of 1066’ in D. Whitelock, D.C. Douglas, C.H. Lemmon and F. Barlow,
The Norman Conquest
(London, 1966), p. 97 places it, not implausibly, on nearby Caldbec Hill.
WP
, pp. 172–4 [10], 178–80 [11], R. Bartlett,
Trial by Fire and Water
(Oxford, 1988), p. 104.
17.
WJ
, p. 167 and
WP
, p. 180 [11].
18.
ASC
D/E 1066,
JW
1066.
19.
WJ
, p. 169 and
WP
, p. 184 [12], Brown, ‘Hastings’, p. 9 and Lemmon, ‘Campaign’, p. 102.
20.
WP
, p. 224 (38), Wilson,
Bayeux
, pls 54–5, Stevenson,
Malmesbury – Norman Kings
, pp. 19–20 and
The Chronicle of Battle Abbey,
ed. E. Searle (Oxford, 1980), p. 40 for Harold’s banner, which was raised on the spot where Battle Abbey was later built. Hooper, ‘A-S Warfare’, pp. 91–3 and ‘A-S at War’, pp. 199–200 for the English battle tactics. Wilson,
Bayeux
, pls 61–2 for the shield wall. Douglas,
William
, pp. 198–9, Brown, ‘Hastings’, pp. 9–10, Lemmon, ‘Campaign’, p. 100 for the strength of Harold’s position. Lemmon, ‘Campaign’, p. 100 suggests he reconnoitred the position during the summer of 1066, while he awaited the invasion. Brown, ‘Hastings’, p. 9 where it is suggested Harold adopted this position on the spur of the moment, which is more unlikely.
21. Hooper, ‘A-S Warfare’, pp. 85–7, Hooper, ‘Housecarls’, pp. 169–72 and Abels,
Lordship
, pp. 160, 167–70 for the
huscarls
. Hooper, ‘A-S Warfare’, pp. 88–9 and Abels,
Lordship
, pp. 175–9 for the
fyrd
.
22.
WP
, pp. 184–6 [12], Brown, ‘Hastings’, pp. 11–12 and Lemmon, ‘Campaign’, pp. 104–5 for William’s army, and
WP
, pp. 182–4 [12] for his speech.
23.
WJ
, p. 208,
JW
1066 both state that the battle began at the third hour, which Lemmon, ‘Campaign’, p. 105, places at this time.
WJ
, p. 169 says it began early in the morning.
WP
, pp. 186–90 [12-13] and Wilson,
Bayeux
, pls 60–5 for the course of the battle.
24.
WP
, pp. 190–2 [13], Brown, ‘Hastings’, p. 14 n. 87 and Douglas,
William
, pp. 200–1, Lemmon, ‘Campaign’, pp. 107–8, Wilson,
Bayeux
, pls 63–4 and
WP
, p. 204 [15] for Harold’s brothers.
25.
WP
, p. 190 [13], Wilson,
Bayeux
, pls 66–7.
26.
WP
, pp. 190–2 [13],
WJ
, p. 169 and
JW
1066, Lemmon, ‘Campaign’, pp. 107–8, Barlow,
Feudal Kingdom
, p. 83 for the condemnation of Harold. Gillingham, ‘William’, pp. 145–8, R.C. Smail,
Crusading Warfare 1097–1193
(Cambridge, 1972), pp. 15–16 and P. Contamine,
War in the Middle Ages
(Oxford, 1984), pp. 255–9.
27.
WP
, pp. 192–4 [13].
28.
WP
, p. 194 [13–14], Lemmon, ‘Campaign’, pp. 109–10 disputes the tactic, but see Brown, ‘Hastings’, pp. 14–16 for its use, here and elsewhere, by trained troops.
29. Wilson,
Bayeux
, pls 68–70 where large numbers of arrows also appear in English shields and bodies.
WP
, p. 194 [14], Brown, ‘Hastings’, pp. 16–17,
WJ
, p. 169 mentions only that Harold fell in ‘the last shock of the battle’ as amended, surely correctly by Gillingham, ‘William’, p. 148 n. 36 from the incorrect form ‘the first shock of battle’.
30. Wilson,
Bayeux
, pl. 71. N.P. Brookes and H.E. Walker, ‘The Authority and Interpretation of the Bayeux Tapestry’
Proceedings of the Battle Conference on Anglo-Norman Studies, 1978
(1979), p. 33 for confirmation of the figure with the arrow in his eye as Harold. It would be interesting to know whether the archer whose arrow felled the king fulfilled the penance laid down by the Papal legate in 1070 of penance as for 3 Lents (see
EHD II
, No. 81, p. 650). Whatever reward he may have received after the conquest could not be enough. Wilson,
Bayeux
, pls 71–2,
WJ
, p. 169, and Searle,
Battle Abbey
, p. 38.
31. Wilson,
Bayeux
, pl. 71 for the figure falling beneath a Norman knight. Brookes and Walker, ‘Bayeux Tapestry’, pp. 32–3 for this also representing Harold. Stevenson,
Malmesbury – Norman Kings
, pp. 20–1 relates the story of the cowardly action of striking the fallen Harold.
WJ
, p. 169 and
WP
, pp. 204 [15], 224 (38), Hooper, ‘A-S Warfare’, p. 93, Lemmon, ‘Campaign’, pp. 110–11, Brown, ‘Hastings’, pp. 17–18, Stenton,
A-S England
, pp. 595–6, Barlow,
Feudal Kingdom
, p. 84, Douglas,
William
, p. 201 for the decisive importance of Harold’s fall.
32.
ASC
D 1066,
WP
, pp. 200 [15], 204 [15],
JW
1066,
DB Huntingdonshire
, D7, Knowles
et al.
,
Heads
, p. 81, and
DB Suffolk
, 76: 20 for these men. Davis, ‘William of Poitiers’, p. 113 considers this account may have been inspired by the story of Achilles and Hector’s body in the Iliad. Stevenson,
Malmesbury – Norman Kings
, p. 23 and Swanton,
Three Lives
, p. 34,
WC
, pp. 51–7for Edith ‘Swan-neck’.
33. Swanton,
Three Lives
, pp. 38–40, Thorpe,
Gerald of Wales
, pp. 198–9, Jones,
Brut – Peniarth
, 1332, p. 127, Wilson,
Lost Literature
, pp. 58–9 and Rollason,
Saints
, pp. 218–19 for Harold as a hermit in Chester and M. Ashdown, ‘An Icelandic Account of the Survival of Harold Godwineson’ in Clemoes,
The Anglo-Saxons
, pp. 123–4 for him as a hermit at Canterbury. C. Kightly,
Folk Heroes of Britain
(London, 1984), p. 110 and Ashdown, ‘Icelandic Account’, pp. 134–5 for Harold as folk hero.
1.
ASC
D 1067 (recte 1068).
2. B. Hudson ‘The Family of Harold Godwineson and the Irish Sea Province’,
JRSAI
, 109 (1979), pp. 92–100 provides a good account of the fate of Harold’s family but my opinion differs in several respects. In particular, the references to Tosti, son of Swein, depend on a late source and this individual is mentioned nowhere else so I have discounted him. It is of course just possible he represents a distant memory of Hakon, son of Swein.
ASC
D 1066,
WP
, pp. 208–16 (36–37),
The Carmen de Hastingae Proelio of Guy, Bishop of Amiens
, ed. C. Morton and H. Muntz (Oxford, 1972), pp. 38–42 for the period after Hastings.
3.
ASC
D 1066,
JW
1066 and
WP
, pp. 214–16 (36–37), Morton and Muntz,
Carmen
, pp. 41–3 for Edgar’s position.
4.
JW
1066, Morton and Muntz,
Carmen
, p. 40 for Edith. Support for such a view might be found in
WP
, pp. 166–8 [9] and
VER
, p. 54 but is discounted by Barlow,
Edward
, p. 242.
5.
ASC
D 1066,
WJ
, pp. 171–3,
JW
1066,
WP
, pp. 216–46 (37-40).
6.
EHD II
, No. 81, p. 649 for the Ordinance. M. Chibnall,
The World of Orderic Vitalis
(Oxford, 1984), p. 11 for Orderic’s feelings on the foreign speech of the Normans,
ASC
D 1066 for castles,
EHD II
, No. 81, p. 649 for the looting of churches,
ASC
E 1066 for land seizures. R.H.C. Davis, ‘The Norman Conquest’ in Davis (ed.),
Alfred to Stephen
, pp. 59–60 for a general view.
7.
WJ
, pp. 177–9,
WP
, pp. 262–4(41), Swanton,
Three Lives
, p. 110, ‘It was as if the whole strength of the country had fallen with Harold’.
8.
ASC
D 1067 (recte 1068).
WJ
, p. 181. J. Allan, C. Henderson and R. Higham, ‘Saxon Exeter’ in J. Haslam
Anglo-Saxon Towns in Southern England
(Chichester, 1984), p. 385 for Exeter’s status (after London, York and Winchester) with
c
. 2,000 citizens and 400 houses. For the family lands in the region see the relevent entries in
DB Devonshire
,
Somerset
and
Cornwall
but conveniently summarized by Clarke,
English Nobility
, pp. 164–205. Flanagan,
Irish Society
, p. 59 for the Godwine family counter offensive, but I consider Harold’s sons were also present. Also Williams,
The English
, pp. 19–21.
9.
DB Devonshire
, 1: 50, Hamilton,
William of Malmesbury, De Gestis
, p. 204 and Knowles
et al.
,
Heads
, p. 72 for Sihtric,
EHD II
, No. 223, pp. 964–8 (Abingdon Chronicle) and Knowles
et al.
,
Heads
, p. 24 for Ealdred. M. Lapidge, ‘Surviving Booklists from Anglo-Saxon England’ in M. Lapidge and H. Gneuss (eds),
Learning and Literature in Anglo-Saxon England
(Cambridge, 1985), pp. 58–9 for Saewold, Sawyer, ‘Tenurial Revolution?’, p. 73 for Brihtric and Chibnall,
Ecclesiastical History
, pp. 211, 215.
10.
ASC
D 1066,
Flor
1067, Chibnall,
Ecclesiastical History
, pp. 194–6, J. Le Patourel,
The Norman Empire
(Oxford, 1976), p. 41.
11.
ASC
D 1067 (recte 1068).
12. Chibnall,
Ecclesiastical History
, pp. 210–12,
Flor
1067,
ASC
D 1067, Douglas,
William
, pp. 216–17.
13.
Flor
1067, Chibnall,
Ecclesiastical History
, p. 214,
ASC
D 1067 (recte 1068).
WJ
, pp. 181–3, Chibnall,
Ecclesiastical History
, p. 224, Wallace, ‘Viking Dublin’, p. 205 and Maund,
Ireland
, p. 167 for Diarmait.
The Annals of Inisfallen
, ed. S. MacAirt (Dublin, 1951) 1068,
WP
, p. 224 (38) and Wilson,
Bayeux
, pl. 71 for these standards.
14.
ASC
D 1067 (recte 1068).
DB Somerset
, 1: 14 and 16 for Godwine’s lands and Hill,
Atlas
, map 225 for the Taunton mint.
Flor
1069, Chibnall,
Ecclesiastical History
, p. 224 and these spoils. Freeman,
Norman Conquest
, Vol. III, pp. 788–90 for Harold’s sons.
15.
ASC
D 1069,
Flor
1069,
WJ
, pp. 181–3, Chibnall,
Ecclesiastical History
, p. 224 and Flanagan,
Irish Society
, p. 60.
DB Devonshire
, 17: 41 and Darby,
Domesday England
, pp. 238–9 for wasted lands.
ASC
D 1069,
Flor
1069,
WJ
, pp. 181–3, Chibnall,
Ecclesiastical History
, p. 224.
16.
ASC
D 1067 (recte 1068),
Flor
1067,
WJ
, p. 183, Chibnall,
Ecclesiastical History
, p. 244.
17. Brown,
Normans
, p. 191, Barlow,
Feudal Kingdom
, pp. 89–90, Douglas,
William
, pp. 213, 267, Stenton,
A-S England
, pp. 600, 602, Stafford,
Unification
, pp. 103–4, Loyn,
Norman Conquest
, p. 105, Chibnall,
Anglo-Norman England
, p. 16 for views.
18. Chibnall,
Ecclesiastical History
, p. 224 for Flanders. P. Grierson, ‘Relations between England and Flanders before the Norman Conquest’,
TRHS
, 4th Series, 23 (1941), p. 109, Lapidge, ‘Booklists’, p. 39 and Rogers, ‘Relic-List’, p. 167 for these bequests.
19. Douglas,
William
, pp. 224–5 for the Flemish situation. Appendix One for Aethelric. J.F.A. Mason, ‘William the First and the Sussex Rapes’ in
1066 Commemoration Lectures
(London, 1966), pp. 37–58.
20. Christiansen,
Saxo
, p. 58, Fell,
Women
, p. 183,
ASC
D/E 1069 and D/E 1070, Chibnall,
Ecclesiastical History
, pp. 224–34 and
AB
, p. 160 for Danish invasions. Christiansen,
Saxo
, pp. 58, 228 n. 20,
Snorri Sturluson-Heimskringla
, tr. S. Laing (London, 1930), p. 236 and
The Russian Primary Chronicle
, ed. S.H. Cross and O.B. Sherbowitz-Wetzor (Cambridge, 1973), p. 214 for Gytha’s marriage supported by B. Rybakov,
Kievan Rus
(Moscow, 1989), p. 224, D. Obolensky,
Six Byzantine Portraits
(Oxford, 1988), pp. 89–90 and G. Vernadsky,
Kievan Russia
(London, 1973), pp. 96, 336.
21. J. Martin,
Medieval Russia 980–1584
(Cambridge, 1995), pp. 57–89, Vernadsky,
Kievan Russia
, pp. 99–209, S. Franklin and J. Shepard,
The Emergence of Rus 750–1200
(London, 1996), pp. 278–319 for the Russian background.
22. Cross and Sherbowitz-Wetzor,
Russian Chronicle
1076–1107, pp. 211–14 and Obolensky,
Portraits
, pp. 85–104.
23. Cross and Sherbowitz-Wetzor,
Russian Chronicle
1076 and pp. 206–15, Obolensky,
Portraits
, pp. 104–14, Cross and Sherbowitz-Wetzor,
Russian Chronicle
, pp. 211, 214–15.
24. Cross and Sherbowitz-Wetzor,
Russian Chronicle
1107 and p. 214 for her death. This would make her aged over fifty, which links with the Laing,
Heimsk
, p. 292 description of her as ‘Gytha the Old’.
Chronicle of Novgorod 1016–1471
, tr. R. Mitchell and N. Forbes (London, 1914) 1113 for Vladimir’s rule in Kiev. Cross and Sherbowitz-Wetzor,
Russian Chronicle
1076 and p. 211 for Msistislav’s birth and Laing,
Heimsk
, pp. 236–92 for his Norse name Harold. Mitchell and Forbes,
Chron. Novgorod
1132, Laing,
Heimsk
, pp. 236, 292 for this genealogical information. Although late, this Icelandic source of
c
. 1240 is fairly accurate on genealogies, which were central to the culture of Iceland, J.L. Byock,
Medieval Iceland
(London, 1988), pp. 14–18.