Henry Knox (42 page)

Washington was preparing to leave the presidency when he responded to Henry on March 2 with words of solace: "From the friendship I have always borne you, and from the interest I have ever taken in whatever relates to your prosperity and happiness, I participated in the sorrows which I know you must have felt for your late heavy losses. But is not for man to scan the wisdom of Providence. The best he can do, is to submit to its decrees. Reason, religion and philosophy, teaches us to do this, but 'tis time alone that can ameliorate the pangs of humanity, and soften its woes."

As he moved toward retirement, Washington described himself as a "wearied traveler who sees a resting place, and is bending his body to lean thereon," stating that there were but a "few intimates whom I love, among
these, be assured you are one.“
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Two days later, George Washington stepped down from office and walked away from power.

In his inauguration speech on March 4, 1797, John Adams alluded to the controversy surrounding his election and the French government's open and very public support of Thomas Jefferson's candidacy. If France had been able to influence the American election, Adams said, then "[it] may be foreign nations who govern us, and not we, the people, who govern ourselves.“
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Adams faced an undeclared naval war with France, whose seamen continued to attack and seize American ships on the high seas in response to Jay's Treaty with Britain. France refused to recognize the American ambassador, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, and even threatened to have him arrested, which forced him to flee to the Netherlands.

The strained relations with France weighed on Knox's mind as he wrote to John Adams, his friend of nearly three decades. "I doubt whether I ought to congratulate you on being elevated to the chief magistracy of the United States," he cautioned, "for it is questionable, very questionable, whether there are not more thorns than roses in the situation." Henry suggested that Adams send Thomas Jefferson to France to restore harmony between the two countries. "I entertain so good an opinion of Mr. Jefferson's patriotism, as to believe he would not hesitate, and much less refuse the offer.“
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In a confidential letter to Knox written on March 19, Adams claimed that he sought the presidency only to prevent unqualified candidates from leading the country. "To see such a character as Jefferson, and much more such an unknown being as Pinckney, brought over my head, and trampling on the bellies of hundreds of other men infinitely his superiors in talents, services, and reputation, filled me with apprehensions for the safety of us all." Adams shared Knox's apprehensions that full war could erupt with France. "I have it much at heart to settle all disputes with France, and nothing shall be wanting on my part to accomplish it.“
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Knox maintained an interest in national affairs as the country continued to veer toward hostilities. He realized that if America and France went to war with each other, his life would take a drastic turn. If called into service, he would have to abandon his plans for the Maine property and once again leave his family and the comforts of home for the rigors of military life. As tensions in the country rose, however, he could take pride in the fact that during his
tenure as war secretary, he had been able to maintain the army, build fortifications, and begin the construction of harbor and coastal defenses—all of which suddenly became vitally important as the threat of a French invasion loomed. And perhaps most important of all, Knox had been able to help establish a navy. On May 10, 1797, one of the original six frigates that he had helped plan was launched in Philadelphia under the command of Captain John Barry. Knox could read with pleasure the newspaper reports that chronicled one of the greatest spectacles that anyone in the capital could ever remember as an immense crowd of 30,000 showed up at Front and Water streets to witness the event. Critics claimed the vessel would split apart once afloat due to its excessive weight. At one o'clock the restraining blocks were knocked away from the keel and the 1,500-ton vessel slid into the Delaware River to great cheers. The hull remained firm, and Knox's gamble had paid off.

President Adams did not send Jefferson to France but instead recommended to Congress that a three-man delegation be dispatched. Adams delivered a belligerent speech to the House of Representatives on May 16, denouncing France for refusing to receive Charles Cotesworth Pinckney of South Carolina as the American ambassador and treating the United States as a colony rather than a sovereign country. The president recommended expanding the U.S. Navy and the militia as "effectual measures of defense.“
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In June, the secretary of state reported that France had captured 300 American commercial ships.

The quarrel continued to need remedy. The three-man American delegation of John Marshall, a U.S. Representative from Virginia, along with Elbridge Gerry and Pinckney arrived in Paris on October 4, 1797, where they received a cold reception. The French foreign minister turned out to be Talleyrand, who had previously toured America and been a guest in the homes of several prominent leaders, including Knox and Alexander Hamilton.

The resilient Talleyrand had returned to France after the Reign of Terror and found his way back into the good graces of the French Directory, which served as the executive branch of the government. He obtained the highly coveted appointment as foreign minister, and hoped to capitalize on his public position by extorting money from foreign ambassadors seeking an audience with the Directory. He told a friend: "I have to make an immense fortune out of it, a really immense fortune." During his first two years as foreign minister, he collected an estimated 13 to 14 million francs.
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Talleyrand condescendingly sent word to the American delegation that he would not meet with them in person but instead sent three emissaries, who
were later referred in the commission's dispatches simply as "X," "Y," and "Z." The agents told Marshall, Gerry, and Pinckney that members of the French Directory were irritated by passages in Adams's speech and demanded that they be softened into a more respectful tone. Then the agents flatly told the Americans that as a condition to any treaty negotiations, the U.S. government would have to provide a "loan" to France. In addition, Talleyrand demanded a personal bribe of $240,000. The American delegation was stunned but realized that France had very little incentive to come to an agreement because of American neutrality in the war between France and Britain. One of Talleyrand's agents explained that "all nations should aid them, or be considered and treated as their enemies.“
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News of the affront was not immediately known in America because of the confidential nature of the talks, which were plagued by a series of postponements over the winter.

Knox was forced to wonder about his future as the prospect of war continued. The American effort to reach an accord with France that would protect U.S. commercial shipping interests, similar to the Jay's Treaty with Britain, was proving fruitless. On January 8, 1798, John Marshall formally rejected France's demand that the United States pay a bribe. When Talleyrand's agents warned that a refusal might trigger a war, Pinckney replied defiantly that the United States would pay "millions for defense, but not one cent for tribute . . . no; no; not a sixpence.“
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Knox closely followed the newspaper reports chronicling President Adams's announcement to Congress of unsavory details of the XYZ correspondence on March 19. Around Boston, Knox heard growing anti-French sentiment, and many of his neighbors supported a war.

In response to the ongoing undeclared naval war with France, Congress created a separate U.S. Department of the Navy in May to increase the size of the fleet that Knox began in 1794. After Congress authorized President Adams to raise a 10,000-man volunteer army, Knox realized that he would likely be called for military service. To give the force legitimacy in the public's eyes, President Adams named George Washington as commander in chief.

Adams arranged to send Secretary of War James McHenry to Mount Vernon to notify Washington of his recall to service. When Secretary of State Timothy Pickering learned of this, he quickly drafted a letter to Washington suggesting that he use his influence with President Adams to appoint Hamilton as his top commander.

Hamilton meanwhile met with Pickering in Philadelphia to discuss army appointments. Pickering handed him a copy of his letter to Washington
touting Hamilton, who did not voice any disapproval of the clandestine attempt to use Washington's prestige to force President Adams to appoint him virtual commander. Hamilton was troubled, however, that this move would have to come at Knox's expense.

When McHenry traveled to Mount Vernon, he unwittingly played a role in Pickering's conspiracy by delivering his letter among a pile of other dispatches. Pickering's note told Washington that New England leaders and several prominent members of Congress were demanding that Hamilton be appointed second in command.

Washington had already decided to accept command of the army under the conditions that he would not be required to leave Mount Vernon until actual fighting was imminent and only if he could pick his top commanders. His second in command would be the virtual leader of the army. Washington ranked his top choices in order: Hamilton, Charles C. Pinckney, who had served as one of his aide-de-camps during the revolution, and then Knox. Washington also considered the talents of Charles Pinckney, whose reputation was riding high due to his defiant stance with the French during the XYZ affair. Washington believed that if France invaded America, the southern states would be the most vulnerable and tempting target for the enemy. Recruiting officers from that area would be much easier if Pinckney, who hailed from South Carolina, played a major role in the army. Until reading Pickering's letter, Washington had not considered that Hamilton would walk away from his lucrative law practice and an annual salary of £4,000 to return to the army. He wrote Pickering that Hamilton's "services ought to be secured at
almost
any price.“
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More than anybody, Washington was keenly aware of Alexander Hamilton's extraordinary abilities. He thought that Hamilton was one of the most gifted men of his age, even eclipsing Thomas Jefferson in Washington's estimation. Hamilton had been the dominant member of his cabinet and had married into the influential Schuyler family of New York. During the Revolution, Washington also had the opportunity to judge Hamilton's military judgment and ability. As an aide, Hamilton wrote many of the general's most important letters and often served as his proxy in dealing with officers. He became so adept at anticipating Washington's needs, so quick to grasp issues, plan strategy, and offer remarkably sound judgment and perceptive suggestions, that Washington must have believed that his aide could actually step in and fill his shoes. Washington thought that Hamilton's intuitive judgment was "great."

Regardless of the intrigues behind the appointments, of which an astute man like Washington must have been well aware, he chose Hamilton as the army's inspector general, giving him preeminence over Knox and Pinckney. In a July 14 letter informing Hamilton of his appointment, Washington confessed to some uneasy feelings over the likelihood that his choice would wound the pride of "General Knox, whom I love and esteem.“
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Hamilton was also fond of Knox and seemed to feel indebted to him. He confessed to Pickering in a letter of July 17 that he would be willing to serve under Knox, if necessary, but that he would prefer to be second in command. Hamilton would not serve under Pinckney, however. Pickering never disclosed Hamilton's generous offer to Washington, who was led to believe that Hamilton would absolutely refuse to serve under Knox. Instead, Pickering gave Washington the impression that Hamilton and Knox vied with each other for preeminence, which irritated Washington.

President Adams submitted Washington's list to the Senate, and the appointments to the rank of major general were confirmed on Wednesday, July 18, in the order of Hamilton, Pinckney, and Knox.
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From Mount Vernon, Washington had sent a delicately written letter to Knox announcing the arrangements of the new army on July 16. When the note arrived in Boston on July 29, Knox opened the dispatch feeling "delightful sensations of affection" for Washington. But as his eyes scanned the words, he was astonished to find himself ranked below Hamilton and Pinckney, both of whom had been his juniors during the Revolution. Washington disingenuously implied that he played little role in the arrangement and stated that "[Hamilton] in the public estimation, as declared to me, is designated to be second in command; with some fears, I confess, of the consequences; although I must acknowledge at the same time that I know not where a more competent choice could be made.“
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The words stung Knox. He studied each phrase in an attempt to decipher what he believed were hidden political motives. He wondered if the arrangement was meant to insult him to a degree that he would be forced to resign and therefore be deprived a role in the army. Knox shot back at Washington in the most forceful letter he ever penned to his former leader. "For more than twenty years, I must have been acting under a perfect delusion," he complained. "Conscious myself of entertaining for you a sincere, active, and invariable friendship, I easily believed it was reciprocal. Nay more, I flattered myself with your esteem and respect in a military point of view. But I find that
others, greatly my juniors in rank, have been, upon a scale of comparison, preferred before me.“
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