Jeremy Varon (66 page)

171. Ibid.

172. Ibid., 45.

173. Quoted in Margot Strom and William Parsons,
Facing History and Ourselves: Holocaust and Human Behavior
(Watertown: Intentional Educations, Notes to Pages 247–55

351

1982), 2. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, a genre known as
Vaterliteratur
emerged, in which Germans of the postwar generation described their anger at and ambivalence about their fathers. See, e.g., Paul Kersten,
Der alltägliche Tod
meines Vaters: Erzählung
(Cologne: Kiepenheuer & Witsch, 1978); Ruth Reh-mann,
Der Mann auf der Kanzel: Fragen an einen Vater
(Munich: Hanser, 1979), trans. Christoph Lohmann and Pamela Lohmann as
The Man in the Pulpit: Questions for a Father
(Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997); and Michael Schneider, “Fathers and Sons, Retrospectively: The Damaged Relations between Two Generations,” trans. Jamie Owen Daniel,
New German Critique,
no. 31

(1984): 3–51.

174. Mahler and Baum, “‘Wir müssen raus aus den Schützengraben,’” 37.

175. Aust,
Baader-Meinhof Group,
59.

176. Vesper, “Nachwort,” 19.

177. Klein,
German Guerrilla,
14–15.

178. Jörg Bopp, “Die ungekonnte Aggresion,” in
Der blinde Fleck,
140. Subsequent quotations from 141.

179. The total disavowal of one’s parents, Bopp and Santner suggest, is untenable.

180. Santner,
Stranded Objects,
34.

181. The hostage Dora Bloch, a Jewish woman, was later killed in a hospi-tal, reportedly by the Ugandan dictator Idi Amin himself. Klein,
German Guerrilla,
34.

182. “Shalom and Napalm,” in Baumann,
Terror or Love?
67–68. The leaflet was printed in
833,
no. 40. No group publicly claimed responsibility for the act, and neither were the assailants ever identified.

183. RAF, “Den Antiimperialistischen Kampf führen!” 413, 445–46.

184. Klein,
German Guerrilla,
31, 34. Fearing reprisals from the Red Cells after he left the group, Klein remained underground. He was captured in France in 1998, sent to Germany for trial, and convicted in 1999 for participation in three murders during the 1975 terrorist raid of an OPEC meeting in Vienna. Klein was sentenced to nine years in prison. “German Unrest Recalled as a Former Terrorist Gets 9 Years,”
NYT,
February 16, 2001.

185. Harriet Rubin, “Terrorism, Trauma, and the Search for Redemption,”

Fast Company,
no. 52 (November 2001): 164.

186. Ibid., 166–67.

187. Ibid., 168.

6 . “ d e m o c r a t i c i n t o l e r a n c e ”

1. The problem of left-wing violence preoccupied a number of federal chancellors, each of whom crafted antiterrorist policy partially in response to domestic political pressures. The state also devised policies in reaction to particular provocations by the RAF and other groups, giving its campaign against terrorism an improvised quality. Moreover, the Federal Republic was not a monolithic state, because power was divided among the judicial, parliamentary, and executive branches. Each of these played a more or less distinct role in an antiterrorist campaign that was never fully centralized. West Germany was, finally, divided into a 352

Notes to Pages 256–61

number of states, or
Länder,
and West Berlin. Under this arrangement, a combination of federal, state, and local police pursued the RAF, each with its own approach. Nonetheless, over time, the state exhibited a striking consistency of purpose and methods in its battle against left-wing violence. My analysis focuses on this continuity.

2. Peter Katzenstein,
Cultural Norms and National Security: Police and Military in Postwar Japan
(Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1991), 174.

3. On the legal battle against the RAF, see Uwe Berlit und Horst Dreier, “Die legislative Auseinandersetzung mit dem Terrorismus,” in Fritz Sack, Heinz Steinert, et al.,
Protest und Reaktion,
Analysen zum Terrorismus, vol. 4/2 (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1984), 227–318; Miklos K. Radvanyi,
Anti-Terrorist Legislation in the Federal Republic of Germany
(Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, Law Library, 1979); and Rabert,
Links- und Rechtsterrorismus,
55–88.

Section 129a alone has produced a large legal literature, cited by Rabert.

4. “Chronologie,” in
Der blinde Fleck,
236.

5. Quoted in Rabert,
Links- und Rechtsterrorismus,
72. Some of the law’s ambiguity stemmed from its use of the word
werben,
which means to recruit, but also to promote or advertise.

6. Berlit und Dreier, “Legislative Auseinandersetzung,” 280.

7. Kurt Groenewold, “The German Federal Republic’s Response and Civil Liberties,”
Terrorism and Political Violence
4, no. 4 (Winter 1992): 147.

8. “Erklärung der Bundesregierung betr. Fragen der inneren Sicherheit,” in
Ausgewählte Dokumente.

9. “‘Mord beginnt beim bösen Wort,’”
Spiegel,
no. 41 (1977): 28.

10. Willy Brandt, “Machen Sie Schluß mit Ihrer Unterstützung, damit unser Land nicht zur Hölle wird!” in Sepp Binder,
Terrorismus: Herausforderung und
Antwort
(Bonn: Neue Gesellschaft, 1978), 105–6.

11. Quoted in
Es genügt nicht nur keinen Gedanken zu Haben . . .
(n.p.: Verband des Linken Buchhandels, 1977).

12. Groenewold, “German Federal Republic’s Response,” 148.

13. On Böll, Gollwitzer, Scharf, and the Frankfurt School, see “‘Mord beginnt beim bösen Wort,’” 38–40 and “‘Mord beginnt beim bösen Wort,’ III,”

Spiegel,
no. 43 (1977): 212, 214.

14. “‘Mord beginnt beim bösen Wort,’” 30.

15. Ibid., 28.

16. “‘Mord beginnt beim bösen Wort,’ III,” 203.

17. “‘Mord beginnt beim bösen Wort,’” 30.

18. Thomas-Wießbecker-Haus, “Polizei verwüstete unser Jugendcollective,”

in
Demokratischer Rechtsstaat zwischen Individuallem Terror und Polizeigewalt,
ed. Humanistischen Union (Berlin: Humanistischen Union, 1975), 56. This report by the Humanistischen Union provides extensive documentation of the raids and their aftermath.

19. “Wiedergabe von Protokollen und Auszügen aus Berichten, Dokument 1,” in ibid., 11.

20. Cited in Ossip Flechtheim, “Auf dem Wege zum Polizeistaat?” in ibid., 6.

21. “Polizeiaktion gegen den Trikont Verlag,” in
Dokumentation über die
Beschlagnahme von Literatur!
(n.p.: Trikonk-Verlag, n.d.), 2–4.

Notes to Pages 261–66

353

22.
Strafgezetzbuch
(Bonn: Aktuell, 1978), 60–61. In English, partial word-ing of the laws is in Radvanyi,
Anti-Terrorist Legislation in the Federal Republic,
74.

23. “Polizeiaktion gegen den Trikont Verlag,” in
Dokumentation über die
Beschlagnahme von Literatur!
2.

24. Ibid., 13.

25.
Dokumentation über die Beschlagnahme von Literatur!
7.

26. Reprinted from
konkret,
February 1976, in
Dokumentation über die
Beschlagnahme von Literatur!
26–28.

27.
Der erste §88a-PROZESS
(flyer, Summer 1977, distributed by Politische Buchhandlung, Bochum).

28.
Das Urteil vom Agit-Prozess
(n.p.: Agit-Druck, 1979), 1–28.

29. Walter Jens, “Lernen Sie lesen, meine Herren Richter!” in
Das Urteil vom
Agit-Prozess,
29.

30. “Mesclaro—ein Nachruf,” in Peter Brückner,
Die Mescalaro-Affäre: Ein
Lehrstück für Aufklärung und politische Kultur
(Hannover: Internationlismus Buchladen und Verlagsgesellschaft, 1977), 24.

31.
Anti Repressions INFO: Wer sich umdreht oder lach, wird zum Terrorist gemacht!
no. 2 (September 26, 1977): 3.

32. These events, as well as the response of the statement’s defenders, are documented in
Die Mescalaro-Affäre
and
Anti Repressions INFO.

33. “Mesclaro—ein Nachruf,” in
Die Mescalaro-Affäre,
26.

34. Peter Glotz, “Offener Briefes Wissenschaftssenator P. Glotz an zwölf Berliner Professoren,”
Welt,
July 3, 1977, in
Die Mescalaro-Affäre,
49; “Jeder fünfte denkt etwa so wie Mescalaro,”
Spiegel,
no. 41 (1977): 49–63.

35. Peter Glotz, “Offener Briefes,” 49.

36. Brückner was later reinstated but was too ill from heart disease to resume his post. He died in April 1981 at the age of fifty-nine. On his suspension, see
Anti Repressions INFO.

37. Gerhard Mauz, “Es ist nicht immer Haarmann, der kommt,” in Claus Croissant, Kurt Groenewold, et al.,
Politische Prozesse ohne Verteidigung?
(Berlin: Klaus Wagenbach, 1976), 7. Pretrial hearings began on May 21, 1975, the charges were formally brought in August, and the trial proper began in January 1976.

38. Groenewold accused the state of this double game in “German Federal Republic’s Response.”

39. Radvanyi,
Anti-Terrorist Legislation in the Federal Republic,
79.

40. “Strafprozeßordnung” in
Die Anti-Terror-Debatten im Parlament: Protokolle 1974–1978,
ed. Hermann Vinke und Gabriele Witt (Reinbeck bei Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1978), 16.

41. Aust,
Baader-Meinhof Group,
282.

42. Radvanyi,
Anti-Terrorist Legislation in the Federal Republic,
79.

43. Ibid.

44. Section 148, passed in 1976, permitted the inspection of materials. The 1978 revision of section 138 held that once removed, attorneys could be barred from all future trials stemming from charges similar to those brought against the clients from whose defense they were originally removed. Berlit and Dreier, “Legislative Auseinandersetzung,” 238.

354

Notes to Pages 267–73

45. A chronicle of actions against the attorneys is provided in Croissant, Groenewold, et al.,
Politische Prozesse,
100–106.

46. Pieter H. Bakker Schut describes the trial in
Stammheim: Der Prozeß gegen
die Rote Armee Fraktion
(Kiel: Neuer Malik, 1987).

47. Letters exchanged in the Info-system are contained in
Dokumente: Das
Info—Briefe von Gefangenen aus der RAF aus der Diskussion, 1973–1977,
ed.

Pieter H. Bakker Schut (Hamburg: Neuer Malik, 1987).

48. On the involvement of lawyers and their associates in underground activity, see Althammer,
Gegen den Terror,
84–88; “‘Mord beginnt beim bösen Wort,’”
Spiegel,
no. 42 (1977); Volker Spietel, “‘Wir wollten alles und gleichzeitig Nichts,’” ibid., nos. 31–33 (1980); and Aust,
Baader-Meinhof Group,
376–84.

49. “‘Mord beginnt beim bösen Wort,’ II,”
Spiegel,
no. 42 (1977): 33.

50. Klein,
German Guerrilla,
18–29.

51. Croissant, Groenewold, et al.,
Politische Prozesse,
27.

52. Ibid., 22.

53.
Informationen zur Anklage des Generalbundesanwalts gegen Rechtsanwalt Kurt Groenewold als Verteidiger der Gefangenen aus der RAF
(Hamburg: Rechtsanwälte Groenewold, 1976), 7.

54. Aust,
Baader-Meinhof Group,
282.

55. “‘Mord beginnt beim bösen Wort,’ II,” 28.

56. After a 1978 revision, indictment under section 129a meant that prisoners could be required to communicate with their lawyers through a glass screen.

Der blinde Fleck,
245.

57.
Information zur Anklage des Generalbundesanwalts gegen Rechtsanwalt
Kurt Groenewold,
9–16.

58. Croissant, Groenewold, et al.,
Politische Prozesse,
19, 28.

59. Ibid., 19, 22–3. Roland Friesler, president of the Nazi Volksgerichtshof (“People’s Court”) had defamed left-wing lawyers as demagogues. See also Rote Hilfe,
Vorbereitung der RAF-Prozesse durch Presse, Polizei und Justiz
(Berlin: Rote Hilfe, 1974).

60. Rabert,
Links- und Rechtsterrorismus,
82.

61. SPD Parteivorstand, “Innere Sicherheit,” in Binder,
Terrorismus,
110.

62. Flechtheim, “Auf dem Wege zum Polizeistaat?” 7–8.

63. Groenewold, “German Federal Republic’s Response,” 145.

64. Ibid. Groenewold pointed out in the 1992 article that the current chief prosecutor in one of the German states had written a monograph in 1983 describing the right of a prisoner to hunger strike as a human right.

65. Aust,
Baader-Meinhof Group,
451–56.

66. Weber, “Politics as a Vocation,” in
From Max Weber,
ed. Gerth and Mills.

Quotations from 78.

67. Conventional criminals may feel that their particular illegal acts are justified on subjective or idiosyncratic grounds or that the punishments are far too severe. But they do not generally challenge the validity of the rules they violate or the authority of the state to make rules.

68. Guerrillas came closest in Italy, where between 1969 and 1982, there were over 4,000 incidents of political violence and over 6,000 unclaimed bombings of property. Acts claimed by guerrilla groups such as the Red Brigades killed 351 and Notes to Pages 273–80

355

wounded 768 people. Over 6,000 people were charged with participation in such violence. But these numbers, however extraordinary, do not necessarily a civil war or a revolution make. See Donatella Della Porta, “Institutional Responses to Terrorism: The Italian Case,”
Terrorism and Political Violence,
Winter 1992, 151.

69. Ulrich Preuß, “Anmerkungen zum Thesen Klassenjustiz—Rede auf der Veranstaltung am 30.1.1974 in Stuttgart” (3-page photocopied handout), 2.

70. Brückner and Sichermann,
Solidarität und Gewalt,
19.

71. “Innere Sicherheit,” in Binder,
Terrorismus,
109–10.

72. Preuß, “Anmerkungen zum Thesen Klassenjustiz,” 2–12.

73. From the standpoint of Anglo-American political theory, “militant democracy” means to preserve specifically
liberal
or
pluralist
democracy, not democracy defined simply in terms of popular or majority rule. In general, the notion of militant democracy ran together democratic and liberal concerns, which are neither equivalent to, nor necessarily fully compatible with, one another. Classically understood, democracy is a theory of popular rule that privileges the collective will and group interests over individual interests. For this reason, it potentially has—in its absolute form—affinities with totalitarianism. By contrast, liberalism’s paramount concern is protecting individual liberty. It seeks to mitigate the dangers of democracy and limit the powers of the state through such means as constitutions, civil rights, and the separation of powers. West Germany’s