Liberating Atlantis (30 page)

Read Liberating Atlantis Online

Authors: Harry Turtledove

If you don’t care for my judgment, I resign
. That was what he meant, in plain English. Stafford might not have been sorry to see Sinapis go, had he had someone in mind to replace him. But accepting his resignation would no doubt cause a flaming row with Leland Newton. The Senate would wonder whether either one of them had the faintest idea of what he was doing. And the Senate might have good reason to wonder, too.
Colonel Sinapis stood there calmly, waiting to hear what Stafford chose. Sinapis had the courage of his convictions. Stafford was uncomfortably aware that on this issue he lacked the courage of his own. “Well, I expect you know what you’re talking about,” he said gruffly.
“One always wonders,” Sinapis said. “At the beginning, we thought this would be an easy campaign. . . .”
He was generous to say
we
, not
you
. Stafford
had
thought it would be easy. The insurrectionists were more in earnest than he’d dreamt they could be. They also showed more in the way of courage and discipline than he’d dreamt they could. He associated those traits with white men, not with what he thought of as the dusky races. But Frederick Radcliff’s fighters had them.
Stafford didn’t want to admit that, even to himself. He especially didn’t want to admit it any place where Leland Newton might hear. He knew what would happen then. Newton would start yapping about full freedom for natives of Africa and Terranova. Well, he could yap all he pleased. He wasn’t going to convince Stafford.
That Stafford might convince himself was one more possibility he hadn’t imagined before he set out from New Hastings.
While he was woolgathering, Sinapis said something he missed entirely. “I’m sorry, Colonel?” he said in faint embarrassment.
“I said that we are lucky we made it here. We would have had to live off the already bare countryside or else commenced to starve if we had not,” Sinapis repeated. “If the insurrectionists were a little more energetic, they would have done everything they could to block our progress.”
“Could they really have managed that?” Stafford asked.
“I do not know, your Excellency,” the colonel replied. “But I tell you this: I am not altogether disappointed that we did not find out.”
“Now that we have a sea connection to keep us supplied, how soon can we move against the enemy again?” Stafford asked.
“Whenever you and your colleague agree that we should, we can,” Sinapis said. “Sooner or later, also, the roads and railroad line from the east will become passable again. They had better, anyhow, or this uprising is far more severe than we imagined, and certainly far more severe than any that came before it.”
It was already the worst insurrection in Atlantean history. Stafford had no doubt of that. And it was worse than it might have been because the other Consul and the northern Senators had kept the national government from doing anything about it till almost too late.
And now Stafford had to persuade his colleague that the army needed to go over to the offensive again. If the soldiers weren’t going to fight, why had they come at all?
 
Leland Newton nodded. “Yes, I think we should move out, too,” he said. “We didn’t come west to defend New Marseille.”
“I couldn’t have put that better myself.” Stafford sounded astonished.
“We did not come to massacre Negroes and copperskins, either,” Newton warned. “We came to establish peace by whatever means prove necessary.”
“If they are dead, they are likely to be peaceable,” Stafford said. “It’s the ones who haven’t gone to their eternal reward that you’ve got to watch out for. Sending them up before the celestial Judge strikes me as a good way to make sure they trouble Atlantis no more.”
“Killing every Negro and copperskin in Atlantis might make Tacitus’ peace, but it would change the country forever,” Newton said. “It would also leave our good name a stench in the nostrils of every other nation in the world.”
“Oh, nonsense. The Grand Turk massacres Armenians for the sport of it. The Czar murders Jews instead,” Stafford returned. Newton was about to ask him how he liked lumping the USA with the Ottoman Empire and Russia. But before he could, the other Consul continued, “Over in Terranova, they aren’t fussy about disposing of their copperskins whenever they need to. And England kills off as many people in India as it has to to keep the nabobs from causing trouble. Stafford paused, then murmured in Latin: “
Ubi solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant
.”
“‘Where they make a desert, they call it peace,’” Newton agreed. That was the Roman historian’s line, all right. He and Stafford might—did—disagree on a great many important things, but they came from the same educational tradition and argued from the same assumptions. Even disagreeing, they talked to each other, not past each other.
“If we can’t get rid of the mudfaces and niggers, we might ship the lot of them back to Terranova and Africa,” Stafford said. “That would solve our problem, too.”
“In your dreams, it would.” Newton ticked off points on his fingers: “Item—the Terranovans, as you pointed out yourself, have more copperskins than they want, and they don’t want ours. Item—shipping these people away would cost millions of eagles: money we haven’t got. Item—even if we had the money, we haven’t got the shipping. And item—these people are here in such numbers, they can breed faster than we can send them out of the country. This kind of talk you’re spouting has been going round for years. Nothing’s ever come of it, and nothing is likely to.”
He waited for Stafford to get angry at him. Instead, the other Consul cocked an eyebrow and said, “Well, Leland, if you’re going to complain about every little thing . . .”
Taken by surprise, Newton started to laugh. He wagged a finger at his colleague. “You got me that time, but I’ll pay you back.”
“Oh, I have no doubt of that,” Stafford said. “In the meantime, though, what do you say we snuff out this insurrection if we can?”
“If we can,” Newton agreed. “But if that should prove impracticable, we had better try something else.”
“Such as?”
“I don’t know yet,” Newton said. “Something—anything—designed to hold the United States of Atlantis together.”
“I can imagine circumstances where it might be better if Atlantis came apart.” Before Newton could respond to that, his colleague held up a hand. “Let it be as you say: crush the insurrection first, and worry about everything else afterwards.”
Newton didn’t think he’d said precisely that. On the other hand, he and Stafford rarely came so close to sharing the same view of anything. His glance slid toward the woods where the rebels lurked. Maybe the Atlantean army could smash them once for all. Maybe. Then why did he have so much trouble believing it?
 
Yet another messenger found Frederick Radcliff. He was scratching a mosquito bite, which was one of the things you did when you made your headquarters deep in a swamp. He hadn’t been deep enough when the Atlanteans assailed him before, which meant they’d almost caught him. The obvious solution was to move where they would have a harder time getting at him. The trouble with the obvious solution was that it meant getting eaten alive.
All of the messengers brought the same news: “They’re coming out!” It wasn’t what Frederick wanted to hear. He’d hoped the white Atlanteans would hole up in New Marseille and stop taking the war seriously.
No matter what he’d hoped, that wouldn’t happen. He sighed. He might have known it wouldn’t. Come to that, he
had
known it wouldn’t. As soon as he touched off the uprising, his greatest fear was that the whites would put everything they had into crushing it. From their point of view, ruthlessness made perfect sense. Anything less than a crushed insurrection, and slavery was dead.
What hadn’t occurred to him then was that slavery might be dead even if the whites crushed the insurrection. The men and women who fought under him—and the others, all over southern Atlantis, who’d flared into rebellion in his name even if not under his command—could be beaten, but so what? From this day forth, how could any master rely on his two-legged property to stay quiet? And if you couldn’t rely on your slaves to stay quiet, how were you going to get any work out of them?
“What are we gonna do?” the messenger asked, bringing him back to the here and now.
“Which road are they using?” Frederick asked.
“Looks like they’re marching by the northeast one,” the other Negro said.
Frederick swore under his breath. If the Atlantean soldiers had headed straight east again—if they’d started back along the same road they’d used to get to New Marseille—he still could have imagined they were giving up the fight and heading off to the Green Ridge Mountains again. But no. They intended to keep on with their campaign, all right. In fact . . .
“Ain’t that where we got us most of our fighters?” the messenger said.
“Yes,” Frederick said, and left it right there. He’d wanted to spread the insurrection towards Avalon. The more of the southwest that fell under the influence of the Free Republic of Atlantis, the better, as far as he was concerned.
None of the whites needed to be Julius Caesar—or, for that matter, Victor Radcliff—to see as much. And they would have taken prisoners, and squeezed them hard. Frederick had to assume they knew as much about his plans as any of his ordinary soldiers.
He thought of something else: “Did they bring everybody out of New Marseille, or did they leave a garrison behind?”
“More soldiers in there now than there was before the white folks marched in,” the messenger answered.
That made Frederick swear again. He knew it would make Lorenzo swear even more ferociously. But now he could truthfully tell the copperskin that he’d thought about trying to take the town, and he’d had good reason to decide it wouldn’t work.
He got to tell Lorenzo exactly that a couple of hours later. Lorenzo only nodded. “Too damned many snowballs stayed behind,” he said. If whites had rude names for their colored bondsmen, it was only natural that the folk who sprang from Terranova and Africa would return the disfavor.
“That’s right,” Frederick said, wondering how Lorenzo had got the news. Messengers were supposed to bring it straight to Frederick himself, not to anyone else. Well, that was a worry for another day. The worry for today was all those white soldiers on the move.
Lorenzo had to be thinking the same thing. “We can bush-whack ’em,” he said.
“We can, and we’d better,” Frederick said. “If they go wherever they want and we don’t try to stop them, we’ve lost.”
“I won’t try and tell you you’re wrong,” Lorenzo said.
Frederick wasn’t sorry to leave his swampy fastness. The state of New Marseille was warm and sticky and bug-ridden from one end to the other. Having lived there for so many years, Frederick knew that all too well. But things weren’t quite so bad when he came out into drier country.
He carried a revolver taken from a dead Atlantean cavalry trooper. That gave him seven bullets to fire at the enemy—and one for himself if everything went wrong. After the raid, he’d decided the whites wouldn’t take him alive. One pull of the trigger got everything over with in a hurry. They wouldn’t be able to torment him, and they wouldn’t be able to use him to scare other slaves who’d rebelled.
Most of the whites had fled this part of the country. A couple of big houses bristled with warning signs and had sentries parading outside of them. They might as well have been forts. Frederick thought his men could overrun them at need, but he didn’t see the need. The whites holed up in them wouldn’t come out to attack his fighters, which was all that really mattered. If the army went away or lost, the holdouts wouldn’t count for beans. And if the army won . . .
If the army won, Frederick would be dead. He wouldn’t care what happened later on.
The Negroes and copperfaces were eating what they scavenged from the countryside, and from granaries taken when plantations fell. Most whites lacked the presence of mind to set fire to barns or to pour water into storage pits before fleeing. A good thing, too, or the rebels would have had a—literally—thinner time of it.
Soldiers, from what he’d heard, often turned up their noses at frogs and turtles and the big flightless katydids that were more common than mice in the woods. Slaves couldn’t afford to be so choosy. Nothing wrong with turtle stew, not if you’d been eating it since you were little and took it for granted.
Of course, the soldiers didn’t have to worry about such things now. They had a baggage train, a luxury the rebels did without. The soldiers could ship hardtack and salt pork and bully beef into New Marseille and bring it along with them when they marched. No, they wouldn’t go hungry.
Along with the other slaves, Frederick had sampled captured hardtack and bully beef. You could eat the stuff if you had to: no doubt of that. Given a choice, Frederick preferred turtle stew and frogs’ legs and whatever flatbread his cooks could bake on griddles or hot stones.
Scouts—both blacks and copperskins—shadowed the Atlantean column. The gray-clad soldiers were moving into the country where Frederick wanted to spread the insurrection. If he could keep them out, uprisings against the local planters would stand a better chance.
But he knew he would have to win a stand-up fight against them to keep them from penetrating the country between New Marseille and Avalon. Shooting at them from behind fences and out of the woods wouldn’t do it. The soldiers shrugged off those losses and kept marching. Their scouts also hurt the rebels. The whites were no stronger, not man for man. They were no better in the woods. But they were better shots, and they were better at supporting one another. They were professional soldiers, in other words, not the amateurs he led.

Can
we stop ’em in a regular battle?” he asked Lorenzo.
The copperskin shrugged broad shoulders. “Damned if I know,” he said. “Time to try, though, don’t you think?”

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