Authors: Winston Churchill
Let me tell him that we are now making every month as many heavy tanks as there existed in the whole British Army at the time he left the War Office – and that we shall very soon, before the end of this year, be producing nearly double that number. This takes no account of the immense productive efforts in the United States. I only say this to him by way of reassuring him that the good work which he did, the foundations which he laid, have not been left to stand where they were when he went out of office. He must learn to ‘forgive us our trespasses as we forgive them that trespass against us.’
My right hon. Friend the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs [Mr Lloyd George] made his usual criticisms about the composition and character of the Government, of the war control and of the War Cabinet, and the House is entitled to know, has a right to know, who are responsible for the conduct of the war. The War Cabinet consists of eight members, five of whom have no regular Department, and three of whom represent the main organisms of the State, to wit, Foreign Affairs, Finance and Labour, which in their different ways come into every great question that has to be settled. That is the body which gives its broad sanction to the main policy and conduct of the war. Under their authority, the Chiefs of Staff of the three Services sit each day together, and I, as Prime Minister and Minister of Defence, convene them and preside over them when I think it necessary, inviting, when business requires it, the three Service Ministers. All large issues of military policy are brought before the Defence Committee, which has for several months consisted of the three Chiefs of Staff, the three Service Ministers, and four members of the War Cabinet, namely, myself, the Lord Privy Seal, who has no Department, the Foreign Secretary, and Lord Beaverbrook. This is the body, this is the machine; it works easily and flexibly at the present time, and I do not propose to make any changes in it until further advised.
My right hon. Friend spoke of the great importance of my being surrounded by people who would stand up to me and say, ‘No, No, No.’ Why, good gracious, has he no idea how strong the negative principle is in the constitution and working of the British war-making machine? The difficulty is not, I assure him, to have more brakes put on the wheels; the difficulty is to get more impetus and speed behind it. At one moment we are asked to emulate the Germans in their audacity and vigour, and the next moment the Prime Minister is to be assisted by being surrounded by a number of ‘No-men’ to resist me at every point and prevent me from making anything in the nature of a speedy, rapid and, above all, positive constructive decision.
However, I must say that, in this whole business of Libya and Greece, I can assure the House that no violence has been done to expert military opinion, either in the Chiefs of Staff Committee at home or in the generals commanding in the field. All decisions have been taken unitedly and freely and in good will, in response to the hard pressure of events. I would make it clear, however, that, in certain circumstances or emergencies, the responsible political Minister representing the Government of the country would not hesitate to assume responsibility for decisions which might have to be taken, and I, personally, as head of the Government, obviously assume that responsibility in the most direct personal form. It follows, therefore, when all is said and done, that I am the one whose head should be cut off if we do not win the war, I am very ready that this should be so, because, as my hon. Friend the Member for Seaham [Mr Shinwell] feelingly reminded us yesterday, most of the Members of the House would probably experience an even more unpleasant fate at the hands of the triumphant Hun.
I notice a tendency in some quarters, especially abroad, to talk about the Middle East as if we could afford to lose our position there and yet carry on the war to victory on the oceans and in the air. Stated as an academic and strategic fact, that may be true, but do not let anyone underrate the gravity of the issues which are being fought for in the Nile Valley, The loss of the Nile Valley and the Suez Canal and the loss of our position in the Mediterranean, as well as the loss of Malta, would be among the heaviest blows which we could sustain. We are determined to fight for them with all the resources of the British Empire, and we have every reason to believe that we shall be successful. General Wavell has under his orders at the present moment nearly 500,000 men. . . .
I ask you to witness, Mr Speaker, that I have never promised anything or offered anything but blood, tears, toil and sweat, to which I will now add our fair share of mistakes, shortcomings and disappointments, and also that this may go on for a very long time, at the end of which I firmly believe – though it is not a promise or a guarantee, only a profession of faith – that there will be complete, absolute and final victory. . . .
In some quarters of the House, or at any rate among some Members, there is a very acute realisation of the gravity of our problems and of our dangers. I have never underrated them. I feel we are fighting for life and survival from day to day and from hour to hour. But, believe me, Herr Hitler has his problems, too, and if we only remain united and strive our utmost to increase our exertions, and work like one great family, standing together and helping each other, as 5,000,000 families in Britain are doing today under the fire of the enemy, I cannot conceive how anyone can doubt that victory will crown the good cause we serve. Government and Parliament alike have to be worthy of the undaunted and unconquerable people who give us their trust and who give their country their all.
It is a year almost to a day since, in the crash of the disastrous Battle of France, His Majesty’s present Administration was formed. Men of all parties, duly authorised by their parties, joined hands together to fight this business to the end. That was a dark hour, and little did we know what storms and perils lay before us, and little did Herr Hitler know, when in June, 1940, he received the total capitulation of France and when he expected to be master of all Europe in a few weeks and the world in a few years, that ten months later, in May, 1941, he would be appealing to the much-tried German people to prepare themselves for the war of 1942. When I look back on the perils which have been overcome, upon the great mountain waves through which the gallant ship has driven, when I remember all that has gone wrong, and remember also all that has gone right, I feel sure we have no need to fear the tempest. Let it roar, and let it rage. We shall come through.
27 May 1941
House of Commons
At this critical juncture in the war – with British armour in retreat in North Africa and superior German air power compelling the evacuation of British forces from Crete – the German battleship
Bismarck,
accompanied by the cruiser
Prinz Eugen,
sailed from Bergen in Norway, intercepting and sinking in the Denmark Strait the British battle-cruiser
Hood,
the fastest capital ship in the world. All the resources of the Home Fleet were deployed to counter this new peril and, just after Churchill sat down, he was handed a note to say that the
Bismarck
had been sunk after being crippled by attacks by aircraft from the carrier
Ark Royal.
On Wednesday of last week, 21st May, the new German battleship, the
Bismarck,
accompanied by the new 8-in. gun cruiser
Prince Eugen
, was discovered by our air reconnaissance at Bergen, and on Thursday, 22nd May, it was known that they had left. Many arrangements were made to intercept them should they attempt, as seemed probable, to break out into the Atlantic Ocean with a view to striking at our convoys from the United States. During the night of 23rd to 24th our cruisers got into visual contact with them as they were passing through the Denmark Strait between Iceland and Greenland. At dawn on Saturday morning the
Prince of Wales
and the
Hood
intercepted the two enemy vessels. I have no detailed account of the action, because events have been moving so rapidly, but the
Hood
was struck at about 23,000 yards by a shell which penetrated into one of her magazines, and blew up, leaving only very few survivors. This splendid vessel, designed 23 years ago, is a serious loss to the Royal Navy, and even more so are the men and officers who manned her.
During the whole of Saturday our ships remained in touch with the
Bismarck
and her consort. In the night aircraft of the Fleet Air Arm from the
Victorious
struck the
Bismarck
with a torpedo, and arrangements were made for effective battle at dawn yesterday morning; but as the night wore on the weather deteriorated, the visibility decreased, and the
Bismarck,
by making a sharp turn, shook off the pursuit. I do not know what has happened to the
Prince Eugen
, but measures are being taken in respect of her. Yesterday, shortly before midday, a Catalina aircraft – one of the considerable number of these very far-ranging scouting aeroplanes which have been sent to us by the United States – picked up the
Bismarck
, and it was seen that she was apparently making for the French ports – Brest or Saint Nazaire. On this, further rapid dispositions were made by the Admiralty and by the Commander-in-Chief, and, of course, I may say that the moment the
Bismarck
was known to be at sea the whole apparatus of our ocean control came into play, very far-reaching combinations began to work, and from yesterday afternoon – I have not had time to prepare a detailed statement – Fleet Air Arm torpedo-carrying seaplanes from the
Ark Royal
made a succession of attacks upon the
Bismarck,
which now appears to be alone and without her consort. About midnight we learned that the
Bismarck
had been struck by two torpedoes, one amidships and the other astern. This second torpedo apparently affected the steering of the ship, for not only was she reduced to a very slow speed, but she continued making uncontrollable circles in the sea. While in this condition she was attacked by one of our flotillas, and hit by two more torpedoes, which brought her virtually to a standstill, far from help and far outside the range at which the enemy bomber aircraft from the French coast could have come upon the scene. This morning, at daylight or shortly after daylight, the
Bismarck
was attacked by the British pursuing battleships. I do not know what were the results of the bombardment; it appears, however, that the
Bismarck
was not sunk by gunfire, and she will now be dispatched by torpedo. It is thought that this is now proceeding, and it is also thought that there cannot be any lengthy delay in disposing of this vessel.
Great as is our loss in the
Hood,
the
Bismarck
must be regarded as the most powerful, as she is the newest, battleship in the world; and this striking of her from the German Navy is a very definite simplification of the task of maintaining the effective mastery of the Northern seas and the maintenance of the Northern blockade. I daresay that in a few days it will be possible to give a much more detailed account, but the essentials are before the House, and although there is shade as well as tight in this picture, I feel that we have every reason to be satisfied with the outcome of this fierce and memorable naval encounter.
[
Later.
] I do not know whether I might venture, with great respect, to intervene for one moment. I have just received news that the
Bismarck
is sunk.
‘OUR SOLID, STUBBORN STRENGTH’
12 June 1941
Dominion High Commissioners and Allied Countries
’
Ministers Conference, London
In the twenty-second month of the war against Nazism we meet here in this old Palace of St James’s, itself not unscarred by the fire of the enemy, in order to proclaim the high purposes and resolves of the lawful constitutional Governments of Europe whose countries have been overrun; and we meet here also to cheer the hopes of free men and free peoples throughout the world. Here before us on the table lie the title-deeds of ten nations or States whose soil has been invaded and polluted, and whose men, women, and children lie prostrate or writhing under the Hitler yoke. But here also, duly authorised by the Parliament and democracy of Britain, are gathered the servants of the ancient British Monarchy and the accredited representatives of the British Dominions beyond the seas, of Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa, of the Empire of India, of Burma, and of our Colonies in every quarter of the globe. They have drawn their swords in this cause. They will never let them fall till life is gone or victory is won. Here we meet, while from across the Atlantic Ocean the hammers and lathes of the United States signal in a rising hum their message of encouragement and their promise of swift and ever-growing aid.
What tragedies, what horrors, what crimes have Hitler and all that Hitler stands for brought upon Europe and the world! The ruins of Warsaw, of Rotterdam, of Belgrade are monuments which will long recall to future generations the outrage of the unopposed air-bombing applied with calculated scientific cruelty to helpless populations. Here in London and throughout the cities of our Island, and in Ireland, there may also be seen the marks of devastation. They are being repaid, and presently they will be more than repaid.