Authors: Michael Kulikowski
Traianus | general of Valens sent to Thrace with Profuturus in 377 to fight the Goths, he was killed at Adrianople. |
Trajan | emperor 98–117, he fought two Dacian wars on the Danube frontier and created the Roman province of Dacia. |
Tribigild | Gothic general in imperial service, he revolted at Nacoleia in Asia Minor in 399. |
Uldin | Hun chieftain on the Danube in 400 who killed Gainas. |
Ulfila | bishop of ‘the Scythians’ appointed in either 336 or 341 and evangelist of the Goths beyond the Danube. Expelled from Gothia after eight years, he and his followers settled in Moesia, inventing an alphabet in which Gothic could be written and translating the Bible into it. |
Valens | emperor 364–378. Made emperor by his elder brother Valentinian Ⅰ in 364, he took command of the East, but was soon challenged by the usurpation of Procopius, which then led to the Gothic wars of 367–369. He admitted the Tervingi into the empire in 376 in order to use them as soldiers on the eastern frontier. When the Gothic revolt became serious in 377, he made peace with Persia and returned to Thrace, where he was defeated and killed at Adrianople in 378. |
Valentinian Ⅰ | emperor 364–375. Elected by the army after the death of Jovian, he divided the empire with his younger brother Valens, taking the West for his own part and fighting many campaigns on the Rhine and the middle Danube before dying on campaign against the Quadi. |
Valentinian Ⅱ | emperor 375–392. Made emperor upon his father Valentinian I’s death in 375, he was always dominated by others, first his mother Justina and his elder half-brother Gratian, then Theodosius Ⅰ. Restored to his throne by Theodosius after being driven from Italy by Magnus Maximus, he was left behind in Gaul as a puppet emperor under the supervision of Arbogast and hanged himself in 392. |
Valentinian Ⅲ | emperor 425–455 and the only son of Galla Placidia and Constantius Ⅲ, he ruled the western empire for thirty years. |
Valerian | emperor 253–260, father of Gallienus and active mainly in the East, he was captured on campaign against the Persians and held in captivity until his death. |
Vespasian | emperor 69–79. |
Victor | general of Valens who arranged peace with the Gothic |
Videric | Gothic king of the Greuthungi and son of Vithimir, he became king as a child under the regency of the |
Vithimir | Gothic king of the Greuthungi and father of Videric, he succeeded Ermanaric but died in battle against the Huns. |
Wallia | Gothic king 415–418 and successor of Athaulf, he returned Galla Placidia and Priscus Attalus to Honorius and fought on behalf of the imperial government in Spain. |
Wereka | Gothic priest and martyr whose relics were deposited at Cyzicus by the Gothic noblewoman Dulcilla. |
Wiguric | Gothic king responsible for the death of the various Gothic martyrs whose relics were deposited at Cyzicus by the Gothic noblewoman Dulcilla. |
The critical editions of Greek and Latin authors from which I cite are listed at the start of the endnotes. Fortunately for the beginning student and general reader, nearly all the primary sources that bear on the Goths are now readily available in English translation, which should allow readers to check the basis of my conclusions if they wish to do so. Among Latin writers, our most important source is Ammianus Marcellinus, available in an excellent but abridged translation by Walter Hamilton in the Penguin Classics and an occasionally misleading but complete version by J. C. Rolfe in the Loeb Classical Library, which also includes the text of the
Origo Constantini
. For the later period, the poems of Claudian are indispensable, and can be read in the two-volume Loeb translation of M. Platnauer, while Rutilius Namatianus is included in the Loeb
Minor Latin Poets
, volume 2. Lactantius’
Deaths of the Persecutors
is translated in the edition of J. L. Creed (Oxford, 1984), and the Latin panegyrics are translated by Barbara Saylor Rodgers and C. E. V. Nixon,
In Praise of Later Roman Emperors
(Berkeley, 1995). Orosius’
Seven Books against the Pagans
is available in a Fathers of the Church translation by R. Deferrari (Washington, DC, 1964). Jordanes deserves to be read in full, if only to demonstrate how far-fetched the narrative that surrounds his migration stories really is, and the translation of C. C. Mierow (Princeton, 1915) is sound if slightly archaic.
Among the Greek sources, Zosimus’
New History
can be read in the translation of R. Ridley (Canberra, 1982). The fragments of Eunapius and Olympiodorus are readily available in R. Blockley,
The Fragmentary Classicising Historians of Late Antiquity
, volume 2 (Liverpool, 1983), with facing Greek text. The emperor Julian’s works are translated in a three-volume Loeb edition; Basil of Caesarea’s letters are in a four-volume Loeb. Several relevant Themistian orations are translated in Peter Heather and David Moncur,
Philosophy, Politics and Empire in the Fourth Century: Select Orations of Themistius
(Liverpool, 2001). Substantial parts of Libanius’ corpus are now available between four Loeb volumes and two volumes in the Liverpool series: A. F. Norman,
Antioch as a Centre of Hellenic Culture as Observed by Libanius
(2001) and Scott Bradbury,
Select Letters of Libanius
(2004). Gregory Thaumaturgus, the documents bearing on Ulfila, the
Passio Sabae
, and the other Gothic martyrologies are all translated in an excellent collection by Peter Heather and John Matthews,
The Goths in the Fourth Century
(Liverpool, 1991). The major Greek church historians, unfortunately, are not well served in English translation: Socrates and Sozomen are available in the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers (second series, vol. 2), but the translations were made from old and inaccurate editions, as was the version of Philostorgius in Bohn’s Library (London, 1855).
Among the secondary literature, Peter Heather’s
Goths and Romans, 332–489
(Oxford, 1991) is the best treatment of its subject available in any language, even though my interpretation of motive and causation in Gothic history differs substantially from his. Unfortunately, Heather’s more recent works,
The Goths
(Oxford, 1996) and
The Fall of the Roman Empire
(Oxford, 2005), restate the same arguments as the first book and shear them of all their nuance, advocating instead a neo-Romantic vision of mass migrations of free Germanic peoples. Heather’s
idée fixe
– that the Huns were responsible for the fall of the Roman empire and the end of the ancient world – is simple, elegant, and wrong. The literature on ethnogenesis is vast, but Herwig Wolfram’s
History of the Goths
(1979; English trans., Berkeley, 1988) is the most widely available. Its mixture of outlandish philological speculation, faulty documentation, and oracular pronouncement remains very influential. Less bizarre, if wholly derivative, accounts of ethnogenesis are available in works by Wolfram’s Anglophone apostles: see especially Patrick Geary’s contribution to
Late Antiquity: A Guide to the Post-Classical World
, edited by Peter Brown, G. W. Bowersock and Oleg Grabar. Far better are the many works of Walter Pohl, the best of which are not available in English; however, see his contributions to the Transformation of the Roman World series (in
Strategies of Distinction
, 1998;
Kingdoms of the Empire
, 1998;
Regna and Gentes
, 2003). Among older literature in English, the work of E. A. Thompson must have pride of place. His
History of Attila and the Huns
(Oxford, 1948),
Early Germans
(Oxford, 1965),
Visigoths
in the Time of Ulfila
(Oxford, 1966), and
Goths in Spain
(Oxford, 1969) were all pioneering, even if their mixture of rigorous empiricism and Marxist dogma reads oddly today. J. M. Wallace-Hadrill’s ‘Gothia and Romania’, reprinted in
The Long-Haired Kings
(Oxford, 1962), also broke new ground in its day.
Much of the most important work on the Goths was done in more general studies of the later Roman empire. J. B. Bury’s
Later Roman Empire
(London, 1923) can still be read with great profit and A. H. M. Jones’ massive
Later Roman Empire, 284–602
(Oxford, 1964) remains the basic work of reference. Several useful articles appear in the new volumes 13 and 14 of the revised
Cambridge Ancient History
. The only good introduction to the third century in English is David S. Potter,
The Roman Empire at Bay,
AD
180–395
(London, 2004), though its treatment of the fourth century is less reliable. For the tetrarchy, Stephen Williams’
Diocletian and the Roman Recovery
(London, 1985) is generally sound, but the key text is T. D. Barnes’
Constantine and Eusebius
(Cambridge, MA, 1981). Hugh Elton’s
Warfare in Roman Europe
(Oxford, 1996) is useful on the Roman approach to fighting barbarians. For the reign of Constantius, T. D. Barnes’ complex and difficult
Athanasius and Constantius
(Cambridge, MA, 1993) provides the only reliable narrative in English. For Valens, we now have Noel Lenski’s
Failure of Empire
(Berkeley, 2002); while it is perhaps too kind to Valens, its approach to Gothic history betters Heather on such points as Gothic conversion. Simon MacDowall,
Adrianople
AD 378
(New York, 2001) is an excellent, if speculative, reconstruction of the battle aimed at the hobbyist audience. No reliable modern study of Theodosius has been published in English.
One will get considerably more out of the ancient sources after having read a few studies of them. The literature on Ammianus, in English and every other language, is vast. John Matthews,
The Roman Empire of Ammianus
(London, 1989) and T. D. Barnes,
Ammianus and the Representation of Historical Reality
(Ithaca, 1998) are essential. On Claudian, Alan Cameron’s
Claudian: Poetry and Propaganda at the Court of Honorius
(Oxford, 1970) is unsurpassed. Zosimus has yet to attract the English study he deserves, but one can consult the introduction and
commentary to the five-volume French edition by François Paschoud (1979–1993). The literature on Jordanes is large and partisan, for the reasons discussed at length in chapter three, and modern Germanist fantasy is regularly retailed as fact. Two responsible alternatives are Brian Croke, ‘Cassiodorus and the Getica of Jordanes’,
Classical Philology
82 (1987): 117–34; and Walter Goffart, ‘Jordanes’ Getica and the disputed authenticity of Gothic origins from Scandinavia’,
Speculum
80 (2005): 379–98. For literary reactions to Adrianople, the basic study is Noel Lenski, ‘
Initium mali romano imperio
: contemporary reactions to the battle of Adrianople’,
Transactions of the American Philological Association
127 (1997): 129–68. Almost nothing in English exists on the Sântana-de-Mureş/Černjachov culture apart from summaries in Heather and Matthews,
Goths in the Fourth Century
, and Heather,
Goths
. Both of these are broadly accurate treatments of the evidence as it was known in the later 1980s, but lack theoretical rigour in relating archaeological and historical evidence.
The following abbreviations and editions are used in the notes.
AE | L’Année Epigraphique | |
Ambrose, | Epistulae et acta | č Panegyrici Latini |
Paulinus, | A. Bastiaensen, | |
Peter the Patrician | FHG | |
PG | Patrologia Graeca | |
Philostorgius, | Philostorgius Kirchengeschichte mit dem Leben des Lucian von Antiochien und den Fragmenten eines arianischen Historiographen | |
PLS | Patrologia Latina Supplementum | |
Procopius, | Procopii Caesariensis Opera č: De aedificiis libri č | |
RIC | The Roman Imperial Coinage | |
Rufinus, | Eusebius Werke č.2: Die Kirchengeschichte | |
Rutilius, | Rutilius Namatianus: Sur son retour | |
Socrates, | Sokrates Kirchengeschichte | |
Sozomen, | Sozomenus Kirchengeschichte | |
Synesius, | Synesii Cyrenensis opuscula | |
Tacitus, | Germania | |
Tacitus, | Historiae | |
Themistius, | Orationes | |
Theodoret, | Theodoret Kirchengeschichte | |
Zosimus, | Zosime: Histoire nouvelle |
[1]
Sources for the foregoing are Zosimus,
HN
5.34–50; Sozomen,
HE
9.6–7; Olympiodorus, frag. 7.1 (Blockley) = 4 (Müller); 24 (Blockley) = 24 (Müller); Rutilius Namatianus,
De reditu suo
.
[2]
For instance the Scythians supposedly recruited into the army by Septimius Severus, in Cassius Dio 75.3, taken as Goths by P. Heather,
The Goths
(Oxford, 1996), 39.
[3]
Dexippus, frag. 20 (Jacoby) = 14 (Müller); 22 (Jacoby) = 16 (Müller).
[4]
Jordanes,
Getica
91 and
Historia Augusta, V. Gord
. 31.1: the
Historia Augusta
is much earlier than Jordanes, but it is more likely that its author – much given to invention and word games – conflated two historical names into one than that Jordanes, a much less adventurous writer, expanded a single name into two. Furthermore, the name Argunt is far less plausible than either
Argaith or
Guntheric.
[5]
Zosimus,
HN
1.23.
[6]
Lactantius,
De mort. pers
. 4.1, but ascribing the victory to the Carpi.
[7]
Zosimus,
HN
1.31–35. In this and the following section, I omit references to the later Byzantine traditions preserved in Syncellus, Cedrenus and particularly Zonaras. Although much valuable information is undoubtedly transmitted in these writers from earlier sources, its precise application is not always clear, as is shown by the best treatment of the subject, B. Bleckmann,
Die Reichskrise des č. Jahrhunderts in der spätantiken und byzantinischen Geschichtsschreibung
. (Munich, 1992), 156–219.
[8]
Zosimus,
HN
1.35.
[9]
Canons 5–10 (
PG
10: 1020–48 at 1037–47). There is a complete translation in P. Heather and J. Matthews,
The Goths in the Fourth Century
(Liverpool, 1991), 1–11. Note that although the
Boradoi of Gregory are probably the Boranoi
of Zosimus, we should not correct Gregory’s reading to that of Zosimus, as Heather and Matthews do, as the two words may in fact have slightly different significance.
[10]
Dexippus, frag. 25 (Jacoby) = 18 (Müller); Zosimus,
HN
1.43; 46.
[11]
Zosimus,
HN
1.45.
[12]
Historia Augusta, V. Aurel
. 22.2.
[13]
Ammianus,
RG
31.5.17, in the aftermath of Adrianople, writes nostalgically of Aurelian’s distant successes. For the raids under Tacitus and Probus, see Zosimus,
HN
1.63.1.
[14]
Tacitus,
Hist
. 1.4.
[15]
G. Woolf,
Becoming Roman: The Origins of Provincial Civilization in Gaul
(Cambridge, 1998).
[16]
Zosimus,
HN
1.29–30; Aurelius Victor 32–33; Eutropius 9.7–8;
Epitome de Caesaribus
31–32.
[17]
For Postumus’ victory see the recently discovered victory altar from Augsburg: L. Bakker, ‘Die Siegesaltar zur Juthungenschlacht von 260 n. Chr. Ein spektakulärer Neufund aus Augusta Vindelicium/Augsburg’,
Archäologische Nachrichten
24 (1993): 274–77.
[18]
Zosimus,
HN
1.42–43; 1.45–46; Eutropius 9.11.
[19]
Zosimus,
HN
1.63.
[20]
Zosimus,
HN
1.71–72; Eutropius 9.17–18;
Epitome de Caesaribus
37–38;
Historia Augusta, V. Prob
. 21–22; John of Antioch, frag. 158; 160 (
FHG
4: 600).
[21]
Aurelius Victor 38.2.
[22]
Eutropius 9.18;
Historia Augusta, V. Car
. 8.
[23]
Pan. Lat
. 10.4.2; Aurelius Victor 39.18–19; Eutropius 9.20.3.
Pan. Lat
. 10, delivered by Mamertinus on 21 April 289, is our main evidence for the early campaigns of Maximian.
[24]
Pan. Lat
. 11.17.1:
Tervingi, pars alia Gothorum adiuncta manu Taifalorum
.
[25]
The earliest attestation of the word is an inscription from the 220s: T. Sarnowski, ‘Barbaricum und ein Bellum Bosporanum in einer Inschrift aus Preslav’,
Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik
87 (1991): 137–44.
[26]
A. Bursche, ‘Contacts between the late Roman empire and north-central Europe’,
Antiquaries Journal
76 (1996): 31–50.
[27]
M. Speidel, ‘The Roman army in Arabia’,
Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt
č.8 (1977), 687–730 at 712. This inscription is often thought to refer to a Gothic recruit in Roman service, both because young
Guththa’s name may itself mean ‘Goth’ and because he was the son of one Erminarius, a name similar to many recorded later among the Goths. But the main element of the father’s name (Erman- or Herman-) is not found exclusively among later Goths, and naming a child ‘the Goth’ is more likely to reflect the perspective of an outsider than an insider; perhaps Guththa was the child of a Goth in a non-Gothic environment. All of this is speculative, and it is not at all clear that personal names, in very many societies good evidence for familial relationship, are equally useful in establishing connections to a much broader identity such as that of third-century Goths.
For that reason, the Goths (
Gouththon te kai Germanon
) of Shapur’s monumental inscription are the first certain attestation of Goths in Roman service: see the text at M. Back,
Die Sassanidischen Staatsinschriften
(Leiden, 1978), 290–91. The opaque evidence of Peter the Patrician, frag. 8 (
FHG
4: 186) may refer to these Goths as well.
[28]
W. S. Hanson and I. P. Haynes, eds.,
Roman Dacia: The Making of a Provincial Society, Journal of Roman Archaeology
Supplement 56 (Portsmouth, RI, 2004).
[29]
It has now been shown that the real site of the battle was nearly 80 kilometres distance from Detmold at Kalkriese.
[30]
Jordanes,
Getica
316.
[31]
Jordanes,
Getica
1.
[32]
Jordanes,
Getica
2–3.
[33]
Jordanes,
Getica
65.
[34]
Jordanes,
Getica
25:
velut vagina nationum
.
[35]
Jordanes,
Getica
25–28.
[36]
E.g., Jordanes,
Getica
68, where the connection is most explicit.
[37]
The subtlest and most important work to emerge from this school of thought is Walter Pohl, ‘Aux origines d’une Europe ethnique. Transformations d’identités entre Antiquité et Moyen Âge’,
Annales
HSS
60 (2005): 183–208.
[38]
Jordanes,
Getica
29.
[39]
Jordanes,
Getica
47.
[40]
Jordanes,
Getica
28.
[41]
Jordanes,
Getica
43.
[42]
The
Gotones
mentioned in Tacitus,
Germania
44.1 and located somewhere in what is now modern Poland would not be regarded as Goths if Jordanes’ migration stories did not exist.
[43]
W. Pohl, ‘Telling the difference: signs of ethnic identity’, in W. Pohl and H. Reimitz, eds.,
Strategies of Distinction: The Construction of Ethnic Communities, 300–800
(Leiden, 1998), 17–69.
[44]
But the Greek may actually be a loanword from Sumerian: Jonathan Hall,
Hellenicity: Between Ethnicity and Culture
(Chicago, 2002), 112.
[45]
Dexippus, frag. 6.1 (Jacoby) = 24 (Müller); Zosimus,
HN
1.37.2, derived from Dexippus.
[46]
Codex Theodosianus
14.10.2.
[47]
S. Brather,
Ethnische Interpretationen in der frühgeschichtlichen Archäologie: Geschichte, Grundlagen und Alternativen
(Berlin, 2004). For a short English introduction to the ideas developed at length in Brather’s large book, see his ‘Ethnic identities as constructions of archaeology: the case of the
Alamanni
’, in Andrew Gillett, ed.,
On Barbarian Identity: Critical Approaches to Ethnicity in the Early Middle Ages
(Turnhout, 2002), 149–76.