Sir Walter Raleigh: In Life & Legend (20 page)

By now the Orinoco was beginning to rage and overflow, while terrible showers of rain fell from which they had no shelter. However, they were able to go rapidly downstream - almost one hundred miles a day - and soon reached Morequito again. Responding to a message from Ralegh, the old chief arrived, at which Ralegh shut out of his tent everyone except the chief and an interpreter. When he learned that Ralegh intended to go to Manoa, Topiawari strongly advised him against attempting this at that time, for the 'Inga Emperor' would be too strong for him. They should make no move without the helpe of all those nations which were also their [the Epuremei's] enemies', for otherwise Ralegh and his men would all die in the attempt. They must first gain the alliance of the border tribes, who were hostile to the Epuremei. Ralegh, anxious to bring back at least some gold, asked whether the old chief would help him capture the town of Macureguarai, four days' journey to the south. Topiawari agreed to do so provided Ralegh let him have fifty soldiers until he came back again. Ralegh turned down this proposition on the ground that he could not spare so many men and did not have enough gunpowder or shot to give them protection against the Spaniards. Topiawari then asked Ralegh to depart since the Epuremei would invade if they knew that he was being helped by the English. The Spanish, too, were hostile. They had earlier killed his nephew, Morequito, and were now trying to kill Topiawari himself. The old chief asked Ralegh to defer any enterprise until the following year, and they both agreed that it would be unwise to attempt any action against Macureguari for fear of failure, 'although', as Ralegh commented, 'the desire of golde will aunswere many objections'. Topiawari agreed to let Ralegh take his only son, Cayworaco, back to England, in the hope that when he himself died, which he thought would be soon, Ralegh would help Cayworaco to succeed him. In exchange, Ralegh left behind Francis Sparrey, servant to Captain Gifford, who 'could describe a cuntry with his pen', and Hugh Goodwin, a boy of his own party, to learn the language. Goodwin was later said to have been eaten by tigers (more probably jaguars), while Sparrey was captured by the Spanish and eventually imprisoned in Madrid.
25

Landing again about twenty miles downstream from the port of Morequito, they were met by the cacique, or chief, of the region, Putijma, who promised to show Ralegh a mine on a mountain called Iconuri.
26
 This proved too difficult for Ralegh, the ill footman, to reach, so he sent on Captain Keymis with Putijma as guide, instructing him to meet the ships again downstream at the mouth of the River Cumaca, near the junction of the Manamo and the main branch of the Orinoco. Further down the Orinoco, by the mouth of one of its tributaries, the Winicapora (now the San Jose), they saw far off a mountain like 'a white Churche towre of an exceeding height', with a mighty river running over its top, giving out 'a terrible noyse and clamor, as if 1,000 greate belles were knockt one against another...I thinke,' he wrote, 'there is not in the worlde so straunge an overfall, nor so wonderfull to behold.'
27
 Charles Nicholl, who visited this place in 1992, claims that Ralegh could not have seen the white mountain or the fall from the point where he claims to have been standing, and that he included a description that he had heard from Berrío to heighten his narrative. It could well be so.
28

Ralegh hoped then to meet the most powerful of the caciques of the Orinoco region, Carapana, who had fled when he heard of their approach. Although Carapana's followers had told him that he need not fear Ralegh, he was still reluctant to meet him. Ralegh concluded that this 'notable wise and subtile fellowe' would stay on the edges of the action: if he heard that the English returned in force he would join them, if not, he would tell the Spaniards that fear of the English was his reason for hiding away. They decided not to wait for the elusive Carapana and returned to the rendezvous with Keymis. After an anxious delay he arrived, but Ralegh records nothing of any discoveries he may have made.
29
 By this time they were getting still more alarmed by the 'great rage and increase' of the Orinoco and decided to get back to their ships. 'To speake of what past homeward were tedious', writes Ralegh. The journey was indeed horrendous and in crossing the open sea before Trinidad, the galley almost foundered. However, it made the land and Ralegh could write: 'now that it hath pleased God to send us safe to our ships, it is time to leave Guiana to the Sunne.'

However, Ralegh did not intend to leave the Spanish Main just yet. The expenses of the voyage had been heavy and his men had had no reward. He therefore determined to seize some plunder from the pearl fisheries west of Trinidad. He sailed first to the Island of Margarita, hoping to get some booty and a ransom for Berrío, who was still his prisoner. The Spanish on the island were forewarned of his coming, beat off his attack, captured four of his men and refused to provide a ransom. Ralegh went on to Cumana, where his landing was even less successful. According to Spanish sources, the English were literally driven into the sea, leaving behind their arms. Four of Ralegh's captains were killed: Robert Calfield, John Gilbert, John Grenville and Henry Thynne, more than seventy Englishmen in all were killed or wounded and the expected ransom for Berrío was still refused. Ralegh, according to the Spanish source, did 'not go away as pleased as he could wish'. In fact, he had no choice but to return home, letting Berrío go free without receiving any ransom for him. Needless to say, no account of these disastrous episodes was included in his story of the Discoverie.
30

Ralegh reached Plymouth early in September to a disappointing reception. By November he had become seriously depressed. Writing to Robert Cecil from Sherborne on 10 November, he said:'From this desolate place I have litle matter, from my sealf less hope...What becumes of Guiana I miche desire to here, whether it pass for a history or a fable.' Some men were saying that he had never been further than Cornwall, others that what he claimed to have found was mere fabrication'.
31
 However, two days later, in a mood-swing typical of the man, he had regained his confidence and wrote again to Cecil, begging him not to let anyone frustrate the enterprise whereby the friendship of the native chiefs had already been won. He hoped to be allowed to govern the country that he had 'discovered', but otherwise wished that someone of 'better sufficiency' be appointed. If nothing were done, the French or the Spanish would win the riches of Guiana.
32
 On 26 November he wrote again with even greater urgency. The letter, marked 'Hast post hast W Ralegh', reached Shaftesbury from Sherborne at 1 p.m. on the twenty-sixth and had got to Staines by 8 a.m. the following morning.'I beseich yow lett us know whether wee shal be travelers or tinkers, conquerors or crounes [imbeciles], for if the winter pass without making provision ther can be no vitling [victualling] in the summer. And if it be now forslowed farewell Guiana forever.'
33

With the letter of 12 November he sent an account of the expedition which he had written either during the return voyage or very soon after he got back. Joyce Lorimer has recently edited this manuscript in a parallel text with the printed version, which appeared in the following year.
34
 It reveals a man almost intoxicated by what he has seen. Guiana was a country that offered every pleasure. The climate was temperate, the wine was abundant enough to allow constant carousing, beautiful women were available for purchase or persuasion, tobacco was plentiful and cheap European goods could be sold for a 'marveylous price'.
35
 With an openly sexual metaphor, he wrote at the end:

To conclude, Guiana is a Countrey that hath yet her Maydenhead, never sackt, turned, nor wrought, the face of the earth bath not beene torne, nor the vertue and salt of the soyle spent by manurance, the graves have not been opened for gold, the mines not broken with sledges.
36

The Empire of Guiana could be easily conquered, and once conquered, as easily defended.

Someone, almost certainly Robert Cecil, realized that the heady prose of this text would be too strong for Elizabeth and her Privy Council, for whom it was primarily intended. The more lurid descriptions of the sexual and alcoholic attractions of the land were omitted, and a rather calmer style adopted for the printed version. More important is Ralegh's treatment in manuscript and print of the subject of gold. In the draft the emphasis is on golden objects seen or taken, and especially on those reported to be in the golden city of Manoa. Attractive as these might be for the casual reader or traveller, they were not likely to weigh much with the statesman or the investor. In the printed text specific references to gold mines appear. Ralegh's dilemma is apparent: without evidence of gold mines the investor will not be attracted, but if the evidence is too precise the investor or another may be able to search for them himself.
37

The Discoverie of the Large, Rich, and Bewtifiul Empyre of Guiana, first published in 1596, was an immediate success, with two further editions that year.
38
 It was the work of an acute observer, passionately interested in the new world that he saw about him and anxious to explain it. Ralegh carefully named all the rivers of the Orinoco delta and the tribes that inhabited the region. He insisted that the golden city of Manoa truly existed in the interior although he was careful not to reveal its location. He was particularly curious to discover the 'true remedies' for the poison used on the arrows of the Arora tribe (today the Yoruros), 'for besides the mortalitie of the wound...the partie shot indureth the most insufferable torment in the world, and abideth a most uglie and lamentable death'.
39
 He never discovered the cure for this, but recommended the use of 'tupara' for run-of-the-mill poisons and urged abstinence from strong drink.

Ralegh was fascinated by the stories of Amazons and men-without-heads, or Ewaipanoma. He enquired of the most widely travelled of the Orenoqueponi tribe about the Amazonian women and was told by one cacique that they lived mostly on the south bank of the River Amazon. Ralegh was aware that stories of such women had circulated in Africa, Asia and the Graeco-Roman world, and believed them to be true. It was said that in Amazonia the women lived by themselves for eleven months of the year but gathered together for one month, usually April, when the kings of the borders came to them and they feasted and danced, drinking wine abundantly. If they had a son they returned him to the father, if a daughter they kept her and sent the father a present. They did not, says Ralegh, cut off their right breasts.
40

According to Ralegh the stories of the Ewaipanoma were genuine:'Though it may be thought a meere fable, yet for mine owne part I am resolved it is true, because every child in the provinces of Arromalua and Camtri affirme the same: They are reported to have 'eyes in their shoulders, and their mouths in the middle of their breasts' with a long train of hair growing back between their shoulders. Topiawari's son, who was brought by Ralegh to England, told him that 'they are the most nightie men of all the lande', and use weapons as big as any in Guiana. 'When I seemed to doubt of it, he told me that it was no wonder among them, but that they were as great a nation, and as common, as any other in all the provinces.' Unfortunately, says Ralegh, he did not hear about them until he was leaving the region, otherwise he would have ordered one to be brought to him. He comments that such people were written about by Sir John Mandeville, whose stories were for many years regarded as fables, but have recently, since the discovery of the East Indies, been considered more credible. When he came later to Cumana, Ralegh met a Spaniard who claimed to have seen many of those men. However, in the end Ralegh commented that 'whether it be true or no the matter is not great'.
41
 Although he was not by nature a credulous man, Ralegh believed what he was told about headless men, Amazons and the golden city. The evidence he received was abundant and compelling, even if it was false.

Central to Ralegh's account of Guiana's native peoples lay their relationship with the Spanish and with himself. Towards the end of the Discoverie he included a lengthy section on the various tribes and their chiefs. He reported that the lords have many wives who did most of the work, while the men 'doe nothing but hunte, fish, play, and drinke, when they are out of the wars'. However, his main concern was to keep the Indians on his side against the Spanish. Ralegh emphasized the brutality of the latter, and judging by their conduct in Mexico and Peru he did not need to do more than tell the truth. His own men were ordered to abstain from any violence or misconduct against the native women, even though many of them 'were excellently favored...[and] came among us without deceit starke naked'. One woman in particular struck his fancy, the wife of a chief who visited them near the junction of the Manamo and the Orinoco itself.

I have seldom Beene a better favored woman: She was of good stature, with blacke eies, fat of body, of an excellent countenance, hir haire almost as long as hir selfe, tied up againe in pretie knots, and it seemed she stood not in that aw of hir husband, as the rest, for she spake and discourst, and dranke among the gentlemen and captaines, and was very pleasant, knowing hir own comeliness, and taking great pride therein.
42

Ralegh commented that he knew a woman in England exactly like her apart from the difference in skin colour. Who, one wonders, had he in mind?

However, Ralegh was more concerned with gaining the support of the Indians against the Spanish than in gazing at their women, and his followers were told not to take from the natives any goods, however small: 'nothing', he wrote, 'got us more love among them than this usage'.
43
 As we have seen, at every stopping-place along the way from Trinidad he made speeches eulogizing Queen Elizabeth and insisting that she wanted only to protect the Indians from the cruelty and incursions of the Spanish. He could, he said, easily have captured and ransomed several of the chiefs for gold, but he refrained from doing so, choosing instead 'to bear the burden of poverty...then to have defaced an enterprise of such assurance'.
44