56
. A. A. Chernobaev, ed.,
Na prieme u Stalina. Tetradi (zhurnaly) zapisei lits, priniatykh I. V. Stalinym (1924–1953 gg.)
(Moscow, 2008), pp. 317–318.
57
. Aleksandr Sergeevich Shcherbakov (1901–1945) was a member of the post-revolutionary generation that Stalin placed in charge of propaganda within the Central Committee apparat. In 1938 he was made first secretary of Moscow’s party organization as well as a Central Committee secretary. Shcherbakov died at an early age.
58
. Remarks by Stalin at a meeting on 17 January 1941 as recorded by V. A. Malyshev in his diary; cited in
Istochnik,
no. 5 (1997): 114.
59
. Mikoian,
Tak bylo,
p. 346.
60
. RGASPI, f. 558, op. 11, d. 769, ll. 176–176ob.
61
.
Istoricheskii arkhiv,
no. 5 (1994): 222.
62
. Cited in Yoram Gorlizki and Oleg Khlevniuk, “Stalin and His Circle,” in
The Cambridge History of Russia,
ed. Ronald Grigor Suny, vol. 3 (Cambridge, 2006), p. 248.
63
. Stalin actually spoke at this reception several times, but for simplicity’s sake, I will treat these remarks as a single speech. The stenographic record of Stalin’s remarks has not been preserved, but several witnesses describe him as saying essentially the same thing. See Nevezhin,
Zastol’nye rechi Stalina,
pp. 273–296.
64
. Speech by Stalin at a meeting of Moscow and Leningrad propagandists;
Istoricheskii arkhiv,
no. 5 (1994): 13.
65
. E. N. Kul’kov and O. A. Rzheshevskii, eds.,
Zimniaia voina 1939–1940
(Moscow, 1999), vol. 2, pp. 281–282.
66
. Debate around this topic has become particularly active over the past twenty years. Overall, the numerous arguments in favor of the idea that Stalin was planning a preventive strike—some of which appear to be politically motivated—do not seem to warrant serious attention, but this theory has generated a number of works presenting interesting evidence and arguments. I make use of statistical data offered in a study by Mikhail Meltiukhov, although I am not convinced by his overall argument. See M. Mel’tiukhov,
Upushchennyi shans Stalina. Sovetskii Soiuz i bor’ba za Evropu. 1939–1941
(Moscow, 2002).
67
. Ibid., pp. 360, 392–393.
68
. Davies, Harrison, and Wheatcroft,
The Economic Transformation of the Soviet Union,
p. 321.
69
. Mel’tiukhov,
Upushennyi shans Stalina,
pp. 392, 393.
70
. Cited in E. A. Osokina,
Za fasadom “stalinskogo izobiliia”
(Moscow, 2008), pp. 272–277.
71
.
Voenno-istoricheskii zhurnal,
no. 1 (1991): 17.
72
. In September 1940, the government permitted such convicts to be sent to the Gulag to serve their prison terms, a violation of its own law (GARF, f. R-5446, op. 57, d. 79, l. 31). These prisoners suffered a terrible fate, and they were not always released after serving the short terms handed down by the courts.
73
. From a 15 April 1942 conversation between Stalin and General Nikolai Biriukov, one of the heads of the Main Mechanized Directorate; N. Biriukov,
Tanki–frontu. Zapiski sovetskogo generala
(Smolensk, 2005), pp. 143–144.
74
. Reshin et al.,
1941 god,
pp. 54–55.
75
. Mel’tiukov,
Upushchennyi shans Stalina,
p. 246; M. Iu. Mukhin,
Aviapromyshlennost’ SSSR v 1921–1941 godakh
(Moscow, 2006), pp. 154–155, 291–299.
76
. David Murphy, who has made a careful study of all available Soviet intelligence reports on the eve of the war, gives Soviet espionage rather high marks. However, he notes an effort on the part of the leaders of Soviet intelligence to adapt their findings to Stalin’s preconceptions. In this regard, Murphy draws historical parallels: the reluctance of the conservative government of Great Britain in the 1930s to properly assess the Nazi threat and the myopic focus of U.S. intelligence on hunting down weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, while earlier administrations missed clues of an impending terrorist attack on U.S. soil. See David E. Murphy,
What Stalin Knew: The Enigma of Barbarossa
(New Haven and London, 2005), pp. xviii–xix.
77
. Cited in Reshin et al.,
1941 god,
pp. 382–383.
Patient Number 1
1
. Sergei Khrushchev, ed.,
Memoirs of Nikita Khrushchev,
vol. 2:
Reformer
(University Park, PA, 2006), p. 148.
2
. A. L. Miasnikov,
Ia lechil Stalina
(Moscow, 2011), pp. 294–295.
3
. Ibid., p. 302.
4
. B. S. Ilizarov,
Tainaia zhizn’ Stalina
(Moscow, 2002), p. 110.
5
. RGASPI, f. 558, op. 1, d. 4327, l. 1.
6
. Ibid., op. 4, d. 619, ll. 172, 173.
7
. Ilizarov,
Tainaia zhizn’ Stalina,
p. 110.
8
. Letter from Stalin to Malinovsky, November 1913; cited in A. Ostrovskii,
Kto stoial za spinoi Stalina?
(Moscow, 2002), pp. 397–398.
9
. Ilizarov,
Tainaia zhizn’ Stalina,
p. 110.
10
. RGASPI, f. 17, op. 3, d. 154, l. 2.
11
. Ibid., d. 303, l. 5.
12
. Svetlana Alliluyeva,
Twenty Letters to a Friend
trans. Priscilla Johnson McMillan (New York, 1967), p. 33.
13
. No information has been found about Stalin’s travels in the south in 1924, although an August 1924 Politburo decision granted him a two-month vacation; RGASPI, f. 17, op. 3, d. 459, l. 2.
14
. Ilizarov,
Tainaia zhizn’ Stalin,
pp. 112–113, 118–119.
15
. Cited in Lars T. Lih, Oleg V. Naumov, and Oleg Khlevniuk, eds.,
Stalin’s Letters to Molotov, 1925–1936
(New Haven, 1995), p. 91.
16
. RGASPI, f. 558, op. 11, d. 69, ll. 53–54.
17
. Cited in Lih, Naumov, and Khlevniuk,
Stalin’s Letters to Molotov,
p. 113.
18
. RGASPI, f. 558, op. 11, d. 69, l. 67ob.
19
. Ibid., l. 68.
20
. From Valedinsky’s memoirs; cited in
Istochnik,
no. 2 (1998): 68.
21
. Cited in Lih, Naumov, and Khlevniuk,
Stalin’s Letters to Molotov,
p. 138.
22
. Cited in
Istochnik,
no. 2 (1998): 69.
23
. Ibid., p. 69; Ilizarov,
Tainaia zhizn’ Stalin,
pp. 112–113.
24
. Cited in Lih, Naumov, and Khlevniuk,
Stalin’s Letters to Molotov,
p. 175.
25
. Iu. G. Murin, comp.,
Iosif Stalin v ob"iatiiakh sem’i. Iz lichnogo arkhiva
(Moscow, 1993), p. 32.
26
. RGASPI, f. 558, op. 11, d. 728, l. 29.
27
. Cited in Murin,
Iosif Stalin v ob"iatiiakh sem’i,
p. 37.
28
. I. V. Stalin,
Works,
vol. 13 (Moscow, 1954), p. 136. Translation slightly revised.
29
. Cited in O. V. Khlevniuk et al., comps.,
Stalin i Kaganovich. Perepiska. 1931–1936
(Moscow, 2001), p. 180.
30
. S. V. Deviatov et al.,
Garazh osobogo naznacheniia. 1921–2011
(Moscow, 2011), p. 157.
31
. Letters from Stalin to Yenukidze, dated 16 August and 13 September 1933; RGASPI, f. 558, op. 11, d. 728, ll. 38, 40.
32
. Letter dated 7 September 1933; cited in A. V. Kvashonkin et al., comps.,
Bol’shevistskoe rukovodstvo. Perepiska. 1912–1927
(Moscow, 1996), p. 254.
33
. From the diary of Maria Svanidze; cited in Murin,
Iosif Stalin v ob"iatiiakh sem’i,
p. 158.
34
. Letter to A. I. Ugarov, dated 16 August 1934; cited in A. Kirilina,
Neizvestnyi Kirov
(St. Petersburg and Moscow, 2001), p. 141.
35
. From the diary of Maria Svanidze; cited in Murin,
Iosif Stalin v ob"iatiiakh sem’i,
p. 183.
36
. From the memoirs of Dr. Valedinsky; cited in
Istochnik,
no. 2 (1998): 70.
37
. Ibid., p. 70.
38
. RGASPI, f. 558, op. 11, d. 377, l. 60.
39
. Stalin left Moscow on 9 October 1945 and returned 17 December; O. V. Khlevniuk et al., comps.,
Politbiuro TsK VKP(b) i Sovet Ministrov SSSR. 1945–1953
(Moscow, 2002), p. 398.
40
. Ibid.
41
. Deviatov et al.,
Garazh osobogo naznacheniia,
p. 201.
42
. Descriptions of Stalin’s lifestyle at his southern dachas can be found in the memoirs of the Georgian party boss Akaky Mgeladze, a young protégé of Stalin who enjoyed his particular favor; A. I. Mgeladze,
Stalin. Kakim ia ego znal,
(n.p., 2001).
43
. Stalin’s medical records; RGASPI, f. 558, op. 11, d. 1483, ll. 1–101; Ilizarov,
Tainaia zhizn’ Stalina,
pp. 126, 129.
44
. M. Dzhilas [Milovan Djilas],
Litso totalitarizma
(Moscow, 1992), p. 60.
45
. Cited in
Istoricheskii arkhiv,
no. 3 (1997): 117.
46
. Mgeladze,
Stalin,
p. 125.
47
. Cited in E. Khodzha [Enver Hoxha],
So Stalinym. Vospominaniia
(Tirana, 1984), p. 137.
48
. Alliluyeva,
Twenty Letters,
p. 22.
49
. Ibid., pp. 206–207.
50
. Miasnikov,
Ia lechil Stalina,
p. 302.
51
. Alliluyeva,
Twenty Letters,
p. 207.
52
. Miasnikov,
Ia lechil Stalina,
pp. 304–305.
53
. Transcript of a conversation in March 1978 published in F. Chuev,
Sto sorok besed s Molotovym
(Moscow, 1991), p. 324.
Chapter 5. Stalin at War
1
. The following descriptions of meetings in Stalin’s office on 21 and 22 June 1941 are based on G. K. Zhukov,
Vospominaniia i razmyshleniia
(Moscow, 2002), vol. 1, pp. 260–269; A. I. Mikoian,
Tak bylo. Razmyshleniia o minuvshem
(Moscow, 1999), p. 388; and A. A. Chernobaev, ed.,
Na prieme u Stalina. Tetradi (zhurnaly) zapisei lits, priniatykh I. V. Stalinym (1924–1953 gg.)
(Moscow, 2008), pp. 337–338.
2
. Semen Konstantinovich Timoshenko (1895–1970) was a commander of the First Cavalry Army during the Civil War, in which capacity he worked closely with Stalin. He went on to make a successful military career and, after the debacle in Finland, replaced Voroshilov as defense commissar and was elevated to marshal. However, during the war with Germany, Timoshenko did not prove to be particularly able and was forced into the background. After the war and until his retirement in 1960 he was given secondary posts commanding various military districts.
Georgy Konstantinovich Zhukov (1896–1974) made a military career after serving with the Red Army during the Civil War. He advanced rapidly through the ranks during the late 1930s, when purges among the officer corps created opportunities. Zhukov proved an able commander during military conflicts with Japan in 1939. Before the war with Germany he was appointed chief of the General Staff. The war proved to be his finest hour. He rose to be one of the Soviet Union’s leading marshals and served as deputy to the commander in chief (Stalin). When it was over, Zhukov fell into disfavor but enjoyed a brief return to prominence after Stalin’s death, serving as defense minister from 1955 to 1957. Khrushchev, however, was wary of the ambitious marshal and forced him into retirement. After Khrushchev was expelled as Soviet leader, Zhukov was allowed to publish his memoirs (the first edition of which came out in 1969). Although they were heavily censored, they remain an important source for historians of the Great Patriotic War (as the war with Germany is known in Russia). Recent editions of his memoirs restore materials excised by the censors, but we will never know to what extent Zhukov self-censored his original manuscript.