Read The Best Australian Essays 2015 Online
Authors: Geordie Williamson
No Dogs, No Fruit, No Firearms, No Professors
Maria Tumarkin
As with any language or dialect, Australian English has its share of idiomatic expressions in which simple-seeming words come together to produce a meaning inexplicable without cultural translation and therefore destined to mystify newcomers to the language. It might even be the reason such expressions exist in the first place. They are the linguistic equivalents of handshakes in Masonic temples, of passwords whispered to guards at fortress gates. The ones I remember being particularly baffled by â we arrived, my mum, dad and me, in Australia in 1990; my sister stayed in Europe â are âit's my shout' (oh, the stories I could tell you â¦) and âbring a plate' (likewise), though perhaps most puzzling of them all was a single word, unhyphenated and modestly prefixed: âoverqualified'.
Where we were from, you couldn't be too educated or too experienced for a professional, skilled job. Not so in Australia, it turned out, not for new arrivals anyway. My father's periodic removal from his résumé of his Ukrainian/Soviet PhD in hydraulics â a bizarre ritual of self-administered shrinkage, necessary, he was told, to get a âfoot in the door' â has been replicated across decades by migrants to this country. Particularly by migrants from Africa, Asia, Eastern Europe: the non-West guild. Melbourne writer Ralph Johnstone has told of two Somali men, Abdulkadir Shire and Ali-nur Duale, who in the course of seventeen years of âdownskilling' crossed out any hint of their respective Masters in petrochemical engineering and PhD in applied entomology from 300-plus job applications. Still no joy. Because who could be less employable than an overqualified alien?
Ridiculous business, this practically standing on your head not to appear too smart to prospective employers. As a migrant you are already up against it, what with the language barrier and the close-to-zero social capital and the sometimes not actually owning a pair of employment-ready pants to wear to a job interview. And then, crazily, you are compelled to hide your goods. Most people routinely inflate their capabilities in CVs (âselling themselves', it's called) whereas these PhDed migrants â my father, once upon a time â have been doing what, precisely? As far as I can tell they have been doing the Great Australian Undersell. The smaller you make yourself, the bigger the chance of the square peg that is (sort of) you fitting the round hole that is Australia's jobs market. So there's logic to it. But it is a pretty brick-like logic.
Read Egon Kunz's
Displaced Persons: Calwell's New Australians
and you will see something similar happening in the years after World War II. Of the 170,000 migrants who come here via Europe's displaced persons camps â men and women, known as DPs â the ones with university degrees and professional qualifications end up suffering the most. First, two obligatory, humiliating years as âlabourers' or âdomestics'. Then a shit fight to get their qualifications recognised, and to be employed, however peripherally, in their âfield'. Most won't make it. And who, of all of them, has the hardest time? Doctors. Kunz wrote a separate book,
The Intruders
, on their experiences. Some doctors remember being told in their first months in Australia that European degrees were worthless here and, anyway, could be bought on the black market back home and, besides, none of them were
real doctors
.
The names of the countries and continents breeding New Australians with worthless degrees have changed since then. But the tradition of some of our most educated migrants being made to feel acutely unwelcome persists.
âOverqualified', as a phenomenon, is in fact a bittersweet corrective to the lament that neo-liberalism has engulfed Australia's public policy thinking. That everything, including migrant intake decisions, must be justified in terms of current or projected economic benefits. If you look at the history of the overqualified, deeper forces, subterranean and otherwise, than economic rationalism are always at play, and as Kunz makes plain, âThe throwing away of eighteen or more years of formal study which the doctors brought with them, and which was provided at the expense of other governments ⦠was in economic terms an expensive and wasteful folly.'
The folly is not quintessentially Australian. All over the Western world, migrant scientists and engineers drive taxis â have you noticed how taxis always make headlines when stories of migrants' skills wasting away are told, how taxis have become the signifier of choice? â and world-class musicians scrape by playing restaurants, not concert halls, while people with tertiary education clean the big houses of those without it, and economists count themselves lucky to work as bookkeepers, and people who could, indeed did, head university departments or lead theatre troupes become nannies to the young or carers of the moneyed old.
You take a dive. You start from scratch. You are at the bottom looking up. That's what being a migrant is like for most people moving to the West. No one has asked you to come here. And no one here thinks you are fabulous, not straight off the bat anyway. That's the experience. First-generation migrants everywhere, those lucky enough to get their noses into a professional set-up of any barely tolerable kind, take directions from superiors who have a fraction of their know-how. They bite their tongue, bide their time.
Socioeconomically it looks something like this: countries are not using the skills or expertise of many of their new citizens even as these same countries pledge half a kingdom and a horse to remain âcompetitive in the global marketplace'; the unemployed or underemployed migrants face a loss of livelihood, status, cultural cachet, skills (which get degraded through non-use), self-respect and authority; these losses, in turn, disfigure social relations and eat away at families and communities.
Some migrants may not have good, or good enough, English and their skills may be non-transferable. Or their education and experience is simply too different for them to be neatly absorbed. And, fact is, they don't know how business is done in the new country, they're blind to the unspoken rules that govern professional relations, they don't fit easily into an office or a team and they may scare away clients or, say, students. So there are (relatively) rational reasons. It is not all madness.
Here comes the madness bit: and in it lies another, quieter, sadness, and this one cannot be pinpointed socioeconomically. People come to a new country with deep knowledge of something â the human body, soul, music, machinery, history â and find there is no place for their knowledge and no thirst for it. The thing about knowledge is most people who have it have a fundamental need to use it. Also, to pass it on. Must be some kind of an evolutionary thing. When the knowledge remains trapped inside the person, unused, unrequired, unwanted, when it withers (no, I won't say like a foetus) away, well, it's a tragedy for the person and for the culture that let it die.
People sometimes attempt to define what kinds of rights migrants should automatically be afforded. The right to professional recognition and employment is always up there. But when does anyone ever talk about the right to contribute, to pass on knowledge, to use expertise in a meaningful, socially significant way? When is this âright to contribute' ever seen as that â a
right
â not some wishy-washy multicultural curry-and-bamboo-headwear construct?
Migrants' vast intellectual capital.
Is it time, yet, to worry about what has been done with it?
Omar Farah tells me that when government agencies call him to discuss âproblems within the African community', he gets cut off whenever he attempts to offer any analysis or advice on how those problems might best be tackled.
âGovernment agencies are more than happy for me to be someone who tells them what's happening in the community. That's it. Don't worry about all that analytical thinking, Omar. That's not for you. Just tell us what's happening.'
You
supply the raw data;
they
process it, analyse and interpret it, work it up into policies and papers.
âI also work with police on many issues. What they do is ask me to provide information about what's happening, never the recommendations. They say, tell us exactly who is doing what ⦠I want to give a bigger picture, about how we might work to stop certain things happening. They don't want a bigger picture. There is no space for that from someone like me.'
When you are not allowed to sit and eat at the policy table, and when you have no control over how the information you provide will be used, it is like you are spying on your community. They want Omar to be âthe eyes and ears', he says. Just not the brain.
*
When Omar Farah came to Melbourne from Somalia in 1988 people would say, âOh, Samoa?' And he'd correct them, patiently. âNo, no, Somalia.' African migrants, by and large, only started arriving in Australia in the mid-1980s. Now enough people see the kids of African parents, at kindergartens, schools or universities, for Omar to hope this matter-of-fact daily exposure, this easy familiarity, might change things for the second generation. He worries about the second generation. They were born and educated here. They speak English and tend to have no deep relationship with their parents' culture. Still they are being shown that this is not their place â in the way they are always treated as new arrivals, even if they have been inhaling this country's air since day one, even if this air is all the air that they know; in the way their parents cannot find meaningful, skilled work and a dignified way of being in Australia.
It is not just the parents and the sons and the daughters who are damaged. Of the mistreatment of DP doctors in post-WWII Australia, Kunz writes: âThe degrading of doctors was ⦠not a matter affecting the doctors only, but was felt as a personal loss and an affront by a large proportion of the 170,000 refugees.'
Omar used to run the Horn-Afrik Men's Employment, Training and Advocacy project at the Carlton Neighbourhood Learning Centre. The job got decommissioned in 2014, and he is relieved. It felt meaningless by the end. He wasn't able to achieve much at all and the moment had come when being paid to do this job began to feel âdenigrating'. He is a long-standing adviser to the Victorian Government and police. He says by now he's had a meeting with everyone in Melbourne, including Labor leader Bill Shorten. Shorten was talking about refugees. And Omar said to Shorten: âWhen will I graduate from being a refugee? Over a quarter of a century in this country and I am still being referred to as a refugee.'
He has five children, all born in Australia, all now at universities. That is how long he has been here. âThe Australians who were born when I arrived here are now becoming managers, while I am still doing exactly what I was doing then.' That's how long. In 2013 Omar was awarded the medal of the Order of Australia. Protocol demands that he writes OAM next to his name. He tries not to. Because when he does, people say to him, âAre you sure?'
A long time ago Omar used to drive a taxi. The damn taxis ⦠One day he picked up an older lady, well groomed, from the airport. She grilled him about how on earth he was allowed to drive a taxi. How long had he been in Melbourne? How well did he know the city? âIn her eyes, I was this guy who came from the jungle. In my own case, I could not tell my family back home that, actually, I was driving a taxi. They'd have said, âAre you really a
taxi driver
?'
Omar stopped driving taxis when his son told him he wanted to be a taxi driver too when he grew up.
To be clear, the people I speak to in this essay are not meant to represent migrants as a whole, or their respective communities, or some inter-ethnic intellectual underclass. Enough with this burden to represent! To be seen as individuals is also a fundamental right. When it's not there it creates what Vrasidas Karalis (I'll tell you about him in a moment) calls âprofessional Greeks', or, for that matter, professional Vietnamese, Hungarians or Somalis, people whose job it is to embody the mainstream culture's kitschified view of their ethnic group as a whole. Some do very well out of it, actually; to a genuine intellectual, playing their ethnicity like this is a demeaning and grotesque game.
One more thing â the people are all guys. It just happened this way. Usually I write about women (the book I've been working on for the past trillion years is all women) but gender was not in my head and didn't feel important for this story. And, yes, I could perhaps deconstruct why this is so, and maybe my deconstruction could and would reveal something important about gender imbalances of one kind or another or about how the game is, as you'd expect, rigged, and I'm sure it's true that migrant men â men in general â have an easier time, on the whole, feeling legitimate in thinking of themselves as intellectuals. I have made a decision not to insert women post-factum because doing so felt dishonest and disrespectful, not least to the photoshopped-in women themselves. Over the years I have also come to believe that sometimes it is good not to think about gender as one of the axes along which one must travel to understand what's going on in the world. There is at least a 50 per cent chance I might be wrong. Fine. I'd much rather be wrong than scrambling to cover my arse.
Vrasidas Karalis is a professor of modern Greek at Sydney University. He publishes sprawling intellectual books, translates Patrick White (
Voss
,
The Vivisector
,
A Cheery Soul
) into Greek, and teaches â 90 per cent, he says, useless knowledge. (âUseful knowledge,' he tells his students, âwill help you find a job but it will never make you grow up.') In other words he is doing all right for himself. Except when I call him it's the start of the academic year and he says: âOnce they make you a full professor, your career is over. They've neutralised you. You've become irrelevant. You've become a structure, a set of obligations.' And here was I, about to nominate Vrasidas for migrant success story of the year, based on a conversation I'd had a few weeks earlier with the writer and academic Ouyang Yu who, like Vrasidas, like me, has been in Australia since the early 1990s. Ouyang has long since given up on the idea of an academic career here. âIf I was someone else, if I were born in this country,' Ouyang says, âI wouldn't have a problem. Professor, easily.'