The Glorious Cause: The American Revolution, 1763-1789 (113 page)

Read The Glorious Cause: The American Revolution, 1763-1789 Online

Authors: Robert Middlekauff

Tags: #History, #Military, #United States, #Colonial Period (1600-1775), #Americas (North; Central; South; West Indies)

 

An even more important reform saw Congress establish a separate department to supply clothing to the army. A clothier general headed this department; his name was James Mease. His performance may be estimated from the phrase soldiers coined to describe the sickness associated with inadequate clothing -- they were, they grimly joked, dying of "the Meases." Mease, a Philadelphia merchant, asked Washington for the appointment with the sycophantic wish that God grant that Washington's future success "may on all occasions be equal to your merit and then I am sure it will be great as your Excellency's desires." A few months later Mease was explaining to a disgruntled Washington how it happened that one of his regiments had been dressed in red uniforms. Such an opportunity came rarely to Mease; most of the time he found his explanations had to do with the absence of uniforms of any color. Washington realized that not all of the shortages of clothing were the result of Mease's incompetence, but he could not ignore those that were, and in August 1778 he asked for Mease's removal. Congress delayed action until the following July.
44

 

Mease proved to be an easy target, though he clung to his post long after his chief's patience ran out. The line officers who were so critical of him actually contributed to his problems and to the suffering of the army by their high-handed appropriation of supplies virtually wherever the opportunity arose.
Supplies had to be moved from the country-

 

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42

 

Greene to Washington
, April 24, 1779, ibid., Reel 57.

 

43

 

JCC
VIII, 487, 585-607.

 

44

 

Mease to Washington
, Jan 6, May 12, 1777, GW Papers, Ser. 4, Reels 39, 41.

 

side to the main army. On the road, open season on supply trains seems to have prevailed, as state commanders and units detached for some special service stopped the wagons and took what they needed-or wanted. The rationalization must have come naturally to them. They were defending the country, and these supplies had been provided for the use of the army. The officers were part of the army and they were in need. That some central intelligence, General Washington's headquarters, for example, might have assessed the overall needs of the army and decided on rather different priorities either did not occur to them or did not matter.

 

To its credit, Congress did not give up its attempt to bring order to disorderly supply arrangements. By late 1779 it had decided that much in the old procedures would have to be discarded in favor of going directly to state governments for what the army required. Early in December 1779 Congress resolved to requisition "specific supplies" from the states much as it requisitioned money. This resolve led to just about the same sort of results as the states sought to comply, sometimes succeeding, but more often failing. The plan, which went into effect in 1780, would have yielded uneven results even had the states been able to collect the supplies. Delivering beef, flour, forage, and the like to Washington's army, which was located in New York, would have been immensely difficult for the southern states. Robert Morris, the superintendent of finance, recognizing this difficulty when he inherited the problem of supply in 1781, attempted to make the best of things by ordering supplies collected at a great distance to be sold and the proceeds used to buy food and clothing located as close as possible to the army. Time and transportation costs were thereby saved.
45

 

By the time Morris was to begin his tenure as superintendent, in June 1781, in those states which had tried to carry out congressional wishes more bitterness than supplies had been produced. These states had set up their own agencies of procurement, several with powers to impress what their citizens refused to sell, and set about to do their share in supplying the army. Their citizens -- those in New Jersey, for example -- did not lack patriotism, but they did not wish to accept paper money or certificates for what they had worked to accumulate. To accept such paper, it was pointed out, was the equivalent of giving goods away. Naturally they protested, and their government began to back off.
New

 

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45

 

E. James Ferguson, ed.,
The Papers of Robert Morris, 1781-1784
(5 vols. to date, Pittsburgh, Pa., 1973-), I, xix-xx, 372-74.

 

Jersey severely reduced the authority of the state superintendent of purchases and the county contractors in June 1781 and soon gave up impressing supplies altogether. Elsewhere, where an apparatus to procure supplies had been constructed, the attempt to compel citizens to "sell" their property was discarded even earlier.
46

 

The states soon stopped most of their efforts to impress, but the army did not. Under Washington's sensitive guidance, impressment was used only as a last resort. He had grown weary of civilian failures, but he also saw the dangers of impressment. Thus, though in July 1781 he characterized the subsistence of the army as "miserable," he continued to avoid as much as possible measures that would alienate civilians.
47

 

When Congress placed public finance in the hands of Robert Morris, a most capable and resourceful man, it made an important attempt to revise the supply system. Morris was a wealthy Philadelphia merchant with financial connections that extended far beyond his own city. In giving him power to procure all sorts of supplies for the army, Congress did not discharge the quartermasters and commissaries of the army. It bestowed on Morris considerable power to let contracts and to use the resources of the Congress to pay them off. Since in 1781 those resources were temporarily replenished by large loans from France, Morris began with a certain advantage. He used his power well, if at times somewhat summarily, and in the last great campaign of the war, the entrapment of Cornwallis at Yorktown, his contribution was clear.
48

 

In the end, however, the intangible played as great a part as organization or system in keeping the army going. The army's will to survive and to fight on short rations, its willingness to suffer, to sacrifice, made the inadequate adequate and rendered the failures of others of little importance. The army overcame the worst in itself and in others. It was indomitable.

 
IV

There was not much money invested in medicine in the American colonies before the Revolution, and the practice of the art had not achieved

 

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46

 

Ibid.,
II, 198n, fn. 3.

 

47

 

Ibid,
I, 293.

 

48

 

There are two fine books on Morris: Clarence L. Ver Steeg,
Robert Morris: Revolutionary Financier
( Philadelphia, 1954) and E. James Ferguson,
The Power of the Purse: A History of American Public Finance, 1776-1790
( Chapel Hill, N.C., 1961). Ferguson, ed.,
Papers of Morris
, II, contains many letters which show Morris's contribution to the Yorktown campaign.

 

either distinction or prestige. The lack of investment and low public regard may have discouraged Congress from giving much attention to problems of providing for the health of soldiers. Whatever the reasons, it did not get around to establishing a hospital department until fully a month after it had created the army, late July 1775. Congressional neglect, however, did not preserve harmony in the department. Those commissioned by Congress to organize and run the service proved able to entangle themselves in controversy without external assistance -- to the point of affecting adversely the care of sick and wounded soldiers.

 

In a sense Congress inherited its first director general and chief physician. He was Benjamin Church, and he ran the medical service of the New England army around Boston before Congress took over. Unfortunately he was also a traitor, having sold himself to General Gage several years before, apparently because he had grown fond of the fashionable and expensive life. No one in Congress knew of Church's extracurricular activities in July when he was appointed, and no one learned until September. During the summer of 1775 Congress went about ignorant of medical organization, calling for regimental surgeons to work closely with line outfits and the general hospital to do something more.
49

 

Just exactly what the general hospital was to do was not altogether clear, and just exactly what the relation of the regimental surgeons was to it was no clearer. No clearer to outsiders, that is. Both the director general and the surgeons always maintained that they understood perfectly what Congress intended. They did not agree among themselves, however, on what their relation should be.

 

Before confusion grew into open disagreement, the army discovered Church's treason and put him under arrest. That took place in September 1775, and in October Congress named John Morgan to succeed Church. Morgan did not reach Cambridge until the end of November.
50

 

Morgan did not take up his commission with many cards in his hand. Church had not done badly as director general, but he had not really

 

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49

 

On Church, see Carl Van Doren,
Secret History of the American Revolution
( New York, 1941).

 

50

 

Freeman,
GW
, III, 547-53. The account that I give of the organization of the medical service of the army is based on the following studies: Howard Lewis Applegate , "The Medical Administrators of the American Revolutionary Army",
Military Affairs
, 25 ( 1961), 1-10; Whitfield J. Bell,
John Morgan: Continental Doctor
( Philadelphia, 1965), esp chap. 11; John Morgan,
A Vindication of His Public Character . . .
( Boston, 1777); Morris H. Saffron,
Surgeon to Washington: Dr. John Cochran, 1730-1807
( New York, 1977).

 

done very much. In particular he had not begun to sort out the organizational lines soon to trap Morgan in struggles that distracted him from the main business -- the health of soldiers. The regimental surgeons gave him his first taste of difficulty, and after he left the service in January 1777 they gave the same treatment to his successor William Shippen, who hung on until January 1781. John Cochran, the director who performed the best and who succeeded in asserting some control over the regiments, followed Shippen and served until the end of the war.

 

The regimental surgeons possessed a clear notion of how they should deal with the general hospital and its director -- aloofly, except when they needed something. They wished to use the hospital as a supply house that would provide them with food, instruments, medicines, and bandages. They had a point; the troops preferred the regimental hospitals to the general hospital. The regiments' facilities were always smaller, probably healthier, and nearer to comrades. And the regimental surgeon, who had usually been named by the colonel or the state assembly, was a known quantity.

 

The director general saw things differently. His situation may have been ambiguous, but Congress, from Morgan's time on, had authorized him or his staff to inspect regimental hospitals and to transfer patients if conditions seemed to warrant such action. Washington had strengthened Morgan's hand by giving him permission to determine the fitness of regimental surgeons and aides by examinations, which proved strenuous exercises. They so annoyed the surgeons of the regiments that when the army left Boston for New York, Morgan gave them up.

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