The Good Book (81 page)

  8. For example, the ruler over a few is called a master; over more, the manager of a household;

  9. Over a still larger number, a statesman or king, as if there were no difference between a great household and a small state.

10. The distinction which is made between the king and the statesman is that when the government is personal, the ruler is a king;

11. When, according to the rules of political science, the citizens rule and are ruled in turn, then he is called a statesman.

12. But it is not true that governments differ only in degree; they differ in kind, as will be evident to anyone who considers the matter.

13. As in other departments of science, so in politics, the compound should always be resolved into the simple elements or least parts of the whole.

14. We must therefore look at the elements of which the state is composed,

15. In order that we may see how the different kinds of rule differ from one another, and whether we can understand each one clearly.

16. For it is obvious that government too is the subject of a single science, which has to consider what government is best and of what sort it must be,

17. To be most in accordance with our aspirations, if there were no external impediment,

18. And also what kind of government is adapted to particular states. For the best is often unattainable,

19. And therefore the true legislator and statesman ought to be acquainted, not only with that which is best in the abstract,

20. But also with that which is best relative to circumstances.

Chapter 12

  1. We should be able further to say how a state may be constituted under any given conditions;

  2. Both how it is originally formed and, when formed, how it may be longest preserved.

  3. We ought, moreover, to know the form of government which is best suited to states in general;

  4. And we should consider, not only what form of government is best, but also what is possible and what is easily attainable by all.

  5. There are some who would have none but the most perfect; for this, many natural advantages are required.

  6. Others, again, speak of a more attainable form, and, although they reject the constitution under which they are living, they extol some one in particular.

  7. Any change of government which has to be introduced should be one which men, starting from their existing constitutions, will be both willing and able to adopt,

  8. Since there is quite as much trouble in the reformation of an old constitution as in the establishment of a new one, just as to unlearn is as hard as to learn.

  9. The same political insight will enable a man to know which laws are best, and which are suited to different constitutions;

10. For the laws are, and ought to be, relative to the constitution, and not the constitution to the laws.

11. A constitution is the organisation of offices in a state, and determines what is to be the governing body, and what is the end of each community.

12. But laws are not to be confounded with the principles of the constitution;

13. They are the rules according to which the magistrates should administer the state, and proceed against offenders.

14. Therefore we must know the varieties, and the number of varieties, of each form of government, if only with a view to making laws.

15. For the same laws cannot be equally suited to all oligarchies or to all democracies,

16. Since there is certainly more than one form both of democracy and of oligarchy.

Chapter 13

  1. We may classify governments into three forms: monarchy, aristocracy and constitutional government,

  2. And recognise three corresponding forms to which each tends: tyranny, oligarchy and democracy.

  3. It is obvious which of the three is worst. If monarchy is not a mere name, it must exist by virtue of some great personal superiority in the king;

  4. So tyranny, as the opposite of such virtue, is the worst of governments, and is thus necessarily the farthest removed from a well-constituted form.

  5. Oligarchy is little better, for it is a long way from aristocracy, supposed to mean ‘rule by the best’. It simply means rule by a clique, who alone are free.

  6. And therefore democracy, with all its imperfections, is the most tolerable of the three.

  7. What is the best constitution for most states, and the best life for most men,

  8. Neither assuming a standard of virtue which is above the ordinary, nor ideals which are an aspiration only?

  9. We must answer having regard to the life which the majority are able to share, and to the form of government which states can realistically attain;

10. For the end of community is the happiness of the members, and that happiness must be attainable.

11. The happy life is the life according to virtue lived without impediment, and that virtue is a mean, or middle path.

12. Then the life which is lived along a mean attainable by everyone, must be the best.

13. And the same principles of virtue and vice are characteristic of cities and of constitutions;

14. For the constitution is, so to speak, the life of the city.

15. Those constituting the mean of a society are those neither too rich nor too poor to be interested in the benefit of all,

16. But who wish the whole to be in harmony with itself. This is the middle section of society.

17. The legislator should always include the middle class in his government:

18. If he makes his laws oligarchical, to the middle class let him look; if he makes them democratical, he should equally by his laws try to attach this class to the state.

19. There only can the government ever be stable where the middle class exceeds one or both of the others,

20. And in that case there will be no fear that the rich will unite with the poor against the government.

21. For neither of them will ever be willing to serve the other,

22. And if they look for some form of government more suitable to both, they will find none better than this,

23. For the rich and the poor will never consent to rule in turn, because they mistrust one another.

24. The arbiter is always the one trusted, and he who is in the middle is an arbiter.

25. The more perfect the admixture of the political elements, the more stable and lasting will the constitution be.

26. Many even of those who desire to form aristocratical governments make a mistake,

27. Not only in giving too much power to the rich, but in attempting to overreach the people.

28. There comes a time when out of a false good there arises a true evil,

29. Since the encroachments of the rich are more destructive to the constitution than those of the people.

Chapter 14

  1. Those who would duly enquire about the best form of a state ought first to determine which is the best kind of life for people;

  2. While this remains uncertain the best form of the state must also be uncertain,

  3. For, in the natural order of things, those may be expected to lead the best life who are governed in the best manner that their circumstances admit.

  4. We ought therefore to ascertain which is generally the best kind of life,

  5. And whether the same life is or is not best for the state and for individuals alike.

  6. What is the best life? No one will dispute the propriety of that partition of goods which separates them into three classes,

  7. Namely, external goods, goods of the body and goods of the mind; or deny that the happy man must have all three.

  8. For no one would maintain that he is happy who has little courage or temperance or justice or prudence,

  9. Who is afraid of every insect which flutters past, who will commit any crime, however great, to gratify his appetites,

10. Who will sacrifice his dearest friend for the sake of a farthing, and is as feeble and false in mind as a child or a madman.

11. These propositions are universally acknowledged as soon as they are uttered, but men differ about the degree or relative superiority of this or that good.

12. Some think that a moderate amount of virtue is enough, and they set no limit to their desires of wealth, property, power and reputation.

13. To whom we reply by an appeal to facts, which easily prove that people do not acquire or preserve virtue by the help of external goods, but external goods by the help of virtue;

14. And that happiness, whether consisting in pleasure or virtue, or both,

15. Is more often found with those who are most highly cultivated in their mind and in their character, and have only a moderate share of external goods,

16. Than among those who possess external goods to a useless extent, yet are deficient in higher qualities.

17. This is not only a matter of experience, but, if reflected upon, will easily appear to be in accordance with reason.

18. For, whereas external goods have a limit, like any other instrument,

19. And all things useful are of such a nature that where there is too much of them they must either do harm, or be of little use, to their possessors,

20. Yet every good of the mind, the greater it is, is also of greater use.

21. It is for the sake of the mind that goods external and goods of the body are eligible at all,

22. And all wise men ought to choose them for the sake of the mind, and not the mind for the sake of them.

23. Let us acknowledge then that each one has just so much happiness as he has virtue and wisdom, and acts virtuously and wisely.

24. Herein lies the difference between good fortune and happiness;

25. For external goods come of themselves, and chance is the author of them,

26. But no one is just or temperate by or through chance.

27. In like manner, the happy state may be shown to be that which is best and which acts rightly;

28. And it cannot act rightly without doing right actions, and neither individual nor state can do right actions without virtue and wisdom.

29. Thus the courage, justice and wisdom of a state have the same form and nature as these qualities in an individual.

30. Let this then be the lawgiver’s first aim: to require of the state that it should be worthy of its best citizens,

31. And of its citizens that they should be just, wise and temperate.

Chapter 15

  1. Philosophers who urge people to take lessons from them, but give no real instruction or advice, are like those who trim the lamps, but fail to pour in oil.

  2. An understanding of life dedicated to affairs of state, of its practice and not merely its theory, requires a grasp of the precepts of statecraft.

  3. At the basis of political activity there must be a strong foundation of judgement and reason,

  4. So that choice of policy arises not from mere impulse due to empty opinion or contentiousness.

  5. Some engage in public affairs but then weary of them or become disgusted by them,

  6. But are not able to retire from them without difficulty;

  7. They are in the same predicament as persons who have gone aboard a vessel to be rocked by the waves,

  8. And then have been driven out into the open sea; they turn their gaze outside, seasick and much disturbed, but obliged to stay where they are and endure their plight.

  9. Such people cast the greatest discredit upon public life by regretting their course and being unhappy.

10. Some, after hoping for glory, fall into disgrace or, after expecting to be feared by others on account of their power,

11. Are drawn into affairs which involve dangers and popular disorders.

12. But the person who has entered upon public life from conviction and reasoning, as the activity most befitting him and most honourable,

13. Is not frightened by any of these things, nor is his conviction changed.

14. Neither is it right to enter upon public life as a gainful trade, as did those who used to invite each other to ‘come to the golden harvest’ as they called the orators’ platform.

15. Those who make themselves up for political competition or the race for glory, as actors do for the stage,

16. Must necessarily regret their action, since they must either serve those whom they think they should rule, or offend those whom they wish to please.

17. Those who, like men who fall into a well, stumble into public life for the wrong reasons, must inevitably regret their course,

18. Whereas those who enter into it quietly, as the result of preparation and reflection,

19. Will be moderate in their conduct of affairs and will not be discomposed by anything,