The Jim Crow Laws and Racism in United States History

About this Book

Segregation

In May 1954, the United States Supreme Court handed down its famous
Brown v. Board of Education decision
. The case was a challenge to "Jim Crow" laws in the South, in existence since the end of the Civil War, that separated almost all public places by race. The Supreme Court's rejection of the notion of "separate but equal" facilities legitimized the civil rights movement in America.

In
The Jim Crow Laws and Racism in United States History
, author David K. Fremon traces the history of racial discrimination from the end of the Civil War through the Jim Crow era. Highlighting efforts to promote racial equality, Fremon shows how segregation made the South a caste system, with separate facilities—including water fountains, waiting rooms, hospitals, and cemeteries—for whites and blacks.

"A useful general overview."
—School Library Journal
"…a good addition to the history collection."
—ALMA
ABOUT THE AUTHOR

David K. Fremon has written many magazine and newspaper articles, as well as books, on historical topics. Several of his books show past injustices and attempts to correct those injustices.

CONTENTS

Cover

About this Book

Title Page

Chapter 1:
“The Most Important Decision”

Chapter 2:
Less-Than-Free Freedmen

Black Codes and Northern Reactions

Reconstruction

Ku Klux Klan

The End of Reconstruction

Chapter 3:
Life Under Jim Crow

“Colored Water and White Water”

“There Were to Be
No
Victories”

Knowing One’s Place

“This Plantation Is a Place for Me to Make a Profit”

“Three Days for Stealing, Eighty-seven Days for Being Colored”

Lynching

Birth of a Nation

“A Private Inner Dignity”
Birth of a Nation

Chapter 4:
“Separate but Equal”

Chapter 5:
Action or Accommodation

“One of the Most Wonderful Men”

Fighting “the Rope and the Torch”

The Niagara Movement

NAACP

Chapter 6:
“Come North”

MAP: African-American Migration

“Not as Good as a White Man’s Dog”

Efforts to Keep Blacks in the South

The
Defender

The Great Migration

The Big City

Chapter 7:
The Key to Independence

Education

“The Right and Power of a State”

Social Engineers

Brown
v.
Board of Education

The Warren Court and the
Brown
Decision

Little Rock

Chapter 8:
“If Not Us, Who?”

The Montgomery Bus Boycott

“A Stick-togetherness”

Sit-ins

Freedom Riders

Chapter 9:
The Right to Serve, the Right to Vote

African Americans in the Military

The Right to Vote

“. . . More Negroes in Jail”

Selma

Chapter 10:
Violence and Victory

Emmett Till

Other Violence

“ . . . the Promised Land”

Timeline

Chapter Notes

Further Reading

Index

Note to Our Readers

Copyright

More Books from Enslow

Chapter 1

“THE MOST IMPORTANT DECISION”

Image Credit: Library of Congress,
Separate facilities for whites and blacks were the rule in many places throughout the Jim Crow era. This photograph taken during the Great Depression in the 1930s, shows that segregated theaters were still common even after the turn of the twentieth century.

Hundreds of people streamed into the United States Supreme Court building on May 17, 1954. Some of them saw the words “Equal Justice Under Law” carved in marble on the front of the building. That day, they would learn if those words held true.

The United States Supreme Court seldom announced in advance what cases it would decide. The Court gave its decision on cases on Mondays when it was in session. One Supreme Court case aroused more attention than all the others:
Brown
v.
Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas
.

Linda Brown, an eight-year-old African-American girl in Topeka, Kansas, wanted to go to a nearby public school. Topeka’s board of education, which segregated (separated) students by race, refused the request. It claimed that Linda received an education equal to that of white students, even if she did not attend school with them. Brown’s parents sued the district. This case would affect the entire nation. The issue was simple: Would black students be allowed to attend public schools with whites?

The Court, as usual, started at noon. After an hour of routine business, Chief Justice Earl Warren spoke the words everyone was waiting for. He declared, “I have for announcement the judgment and opinion of the Court in Number One
Brown et al.
versus
Board of Education of Topeka et al
.”
1

Thurgood Marshall, hopeful but not certain, watched the justices. Marshall, a “shrewd, folksy black lawyer,” had been an attorney for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) since 1936.
2
He had argued more than fifty cases before the Supreme Court, winning most of them. He led the legal team that represented the Brown family, the plaintiffs in the case.

John W. Davis represented the Topeka Board of Education. The seventy-nine-year-old attorney, who had been the Democratic presidential nominee in 1924, was no stranger to the highest court. This was his one hundred fortieth appearance before the Supreme Court. It would be his most famous case.

Chief Justice Earl Warren read the Court’s decision. He began by describing the background of the case. Warren mentioned the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which guaranteed equal rights to all citizens. He discussed the Supreme Court’s 1896
Plessy
v.
Ferguson
decision, which permitted “separate but equal” facilities for whites and blacks. He mentioned previous court cases regarding educational facilities.

Warren noted that, unlike many school systems in the South, Topeka had schools that appeared to be of equal quality for both races. “We must look instead to the effect of segregation itself on public education,” he said. Then he asked the critical question: “Does segregation of children in public schools solely on the basis of race, even though the physical facilities and other ‘tangible’ factors be equal, deprive the children of the minority group of equal educational opportunities?”
3

The gallery listened intently as Warren answered, “We believe it does.” He added, “To separate them from others of similar age and qualifications solely because of their race generates a feeling of inferiority as to their status in the community that may affect their hearts and minds in a way unlikely ever to be undone.”
4
Warren concluded, “In the field of public education, the doctrine of ‘separate but equal’ has no place. Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal.”
5

“If it was not the most important decision in the history of the Court, it was very close,” commented Justice Stanley Reed.
6
For African-American children and adults, it marked a point of liberation. For years, Jim Crow, or segregation, laws had discriminated against blacks. The Court’s decision would help lead to the laws’ downfall.

The ruling met great opposition, especially in the South. Governor James Byrnes of South Carolina said he was “shocked” by the decision.
7
The Southern states would eventually pass more than four hundred fifty laws to try to prevent schools from carrying out the Court’s decision.

Other people saw the
Brown
decision quite differently. An African-American marine, upon hearing the verdict, said:

My inner emotions must have been approximate to the Negro slaves’ when they first heard about the Emancipation Proclamation [Pres. Abraham Lincoln’s 1863 statement that would free the slaves in the South during the Civil War]. . . . On this momentous night of May 17, 1954 . . . I experienced a loyalty that I had never felt before. I was sure that this was the beginning of a new era in American democracy.
8

The Supreme Court’s decision would change the lives of millions, as it began to destroy the system of Jim Crow segregation that had existed almost since the end of the Civil War.

Chapter 2

LESS-THAN-FREE FREEDMEN

On April 9, 1865, Southern General Robert E. Lee signed a treaty with Union General Ulysses S. Grant that would lead to the conclusion of the American Civil War. The Confederate states would have to honor Union President Abraham Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation of 1863. The South’s slaves would soon be legally free.

Black Codes and Northern Reactions

Freedom did not arrive at the same time and in the same way for all black Southerners. In large cities such as Richmond, Virginia, the word came instantly. Some white plantation owners, however, did not notify their former slaves of their freedom until months after the war’s end.

At first, some freedmen (newly freed men and women) were led to believe that they would be given land on their former masters’ plantations. President Andrew Johnson, squashed such hopes. His May 29, 1865, Proclamation of Amnesty pardoned almost all former Confederate soldiers. The law allowed them to take back any lands that might be occupied by African Americans.

Landless and poor, most without skills or jobs, former slaves could leave their plantations, but where would they go? Some set out to reunite with family members who had been sold by their former masters. Others went in search of better opportunities. This mobility disrupted life on the plantations. Former slave owners were used to having a stable, undemanding workforce. Emancipation changed the rules of life.

Some Southern whites were not upset about the slaves’ emancipation. Freed blacks would now have to take care of themselves. Many former slave owners welcomed the chance to drive older blacks or troublemakers from their plantations.

Planters, however, needed the labor of healthy men and women. Sooner or later, most freedmen returned to lands at or near their former homes. Once they arrived, planters wanted to ensure that they would not leave again.

Southern legislatures passed Black Codes. These racist laws were designed to restrict the activities of the former slaves. White Southerners were used to being able to keep their slaves in line with laws and threats. The Black Codes, set up in the years after the Civil War, would attempt to impose the same limits on the freedmen.

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