The King of Vodka (36 page)

These policies, though hailed in the West, were too slow in coming for most Russians and too restrictive to be effective.
Gorbachev faced the difficult task of balancing his communist roots and devotion to socialism with twentieth-century concepts of capitalism and democracy. Moreover, his economic drive ran headfirst into ingrained prejudices throughout Russian society against Western-style capitalism and its foreign institutions. The economy did not improve and everyday life for most Russians went from bad to worse, as shortages of food and other essentials intensified. Gorbachev was replaced in 1991 by the more radical Boris Yeltsin, but few question that it was Gorbachev's bold reforms that led to the collapse of the Soviet Union by the end of that year. As for the Smirnovs, Gorbachev and his policies also provided the opening they needed.

 

I
N
1985,
THE
year Gorbachev took office, the Smirnovs held a family reunion at the home of Oleg's brother, Viktor. Cousins descended from several of Smirnov's children were present, some having never met before. At this gathering, according to a book written by several Smirnov descendants, some of the Smirnovs began discussing the possibility of reviving the Smirnov dynasty.
¹⁶
Gorbachev promised to be more hospitable to private business ventures, and Russia would likely welcome the chance to reclaim one of its most storied brands. Little progress, though, was made for five years. First, Oleg died in 1986. Second, the tenuousness of Gorbachev's economic and legal reforms made it difficult to formulate a cohesive plan of attack.

By 1991 the possibilities were clearer. Boris Smirnov, the great-grandson of Smirnov's youngest son, Aleksey, and a former KGB officer, led the charge. He registered his family's trademarks in Russia. One was the “Trade House of Pyotr Smirnov and Descendants in Moscow,” while another was “P. A. Smirnov and Descendants in Moscow.” A month later, Heublein's new owner, International Distillers and Vintners (IDV), now a subsidiary of British liquor giant Diageo, filed
papers for its Smirnoff trademark. Both were readying for the repeal of the vodka monopoly in Russia, which took place in 1992 under Yeltsin's hand. Russia's patent office rejected IDV's claims to sell Smirnoff vodka, thus permitting Boris Smirnov to do so.
¹⁷

This decision marked the beginning of what would become a protracted international legal tussle for control of the Smirnoff name. The cases hinged primarily on the same arguments posed in the German case—whether consumers were misled about the origins of Smirnoff vodka, and whether Vladimir had illegally sold his family's name and copyrights after the revolution. Boris and his relative Andrey Smirnov began manufacturing vodka in Krymsk, a small town in southern Russia. They also leased the house by the Cast Iron Bridge in Moscow as their headquarters, partially renovating the grand old residence to its original nineteenth-century condition. Their hope was to revive the traditions of Pyotr Smirnov, profits and all. At first, it looked as though they might succeed. A Russian court in 1995 invalidated IDV's trademarks and barred the company from claiming that its vodka was related to the spirit's original founder.

Although IDV appealed the decision, a bigger showdown was on the horizon. Boris sought access to more than the Russian vodka market. He had designs on the lucrative U.S. market. Boris partnered with Eugeniya's grandson in France, also named Boris, attempting to prove that the French Smirnov had the legal right to the trademark because Eugeniya had bequeathed it to his mother. The Russian Boris then formed the Russian American Spirits Company with an American partner and sued Diageo for fraud and consumer deception in a Delaware court. Smirnoff's label, they claimed, which featured a crown, shield, red shrouds from the Russian Imperial Court, the state coats of arms, and reference to the tsar's purveyor title, caused people to conclude that the American Smirnoff was the same one supplied to tsars before the revolution. Boris additionally argued that he and his partners
were owed nearly $1.3 billion, or roughly 2 percent of the profits he figured had been made off Smirnoff vodkas since 1939.
¹⁸

Diageo countered in legal filings that it had purchased the brand in good faith, saving it from almost certain extinction, and had spent more than $700 million promoting Smirnoff since 1939.
¹⁹
All Boris and his allies were trying to do, the company argued, was profit from Diageo's sizable investment and decades of hard work. Furthermore, a schism had developed among Smirnov's descendants. More than thirty Smirnovs appeared at a press conference in Moscow, questioning Boris's arguments and charging that his actions threatened the good name of the family.
²⁰

In 1999 a U.S. court dismissed Boris's claims, and an appellate court affirmed the decision two years later. A British panel also considering the matter concluded much the same. It was during this time, too, when Boris's partner, Andrey, sold his half in their Russian vodka venture to Alfa Group, the giant privately held Russian consortium. Boris was furious and would not recognize the new shareholders. When a new director came to the office at the house by the Cast Iron Bridge in 2000, neither Boris nor a guard would let him in. Representatives from Alfa returned later, this time backed up by armed riot police wearing black masks. Captured on Russian television, the incident resembled something out of an action movie. Police broke through doors and smashed windows while workers inside lobbed bottles of vodka at them. Throughout the melee, Boris refused to leave, according to press accounts, even after his wife suffered a head injury.

Other lawsuits followed over the brand's true ownership until 2006, when Diageo and Alfa reached a pact. They formed a joint venture to sell and distribute liquor in Russia, including Smirnoff vodka and Diageo's stable of other spirits. Diageo paid Alfa $50 million and obtained 75 percent ownership in the venture.
²¹

 

V
ODKA CONTINUES TO
hold a pivotal place in Russian society. Vladimir Putin considered resurrecting the vodka monopoly in 2005, not so much to decrease consumption as to fight against the destructive nature of low-quality, illegal alcohol production. Recent official estimates suggest that more than one-third and as much as almost two-thirds of the vodka sold in Russia may come from illegal producers. At a time when the country's population is in decline and life expectancy rates are slipping, alcohol's economic and human toll on Russia's citizens is all the more disheartening. Some thirty-three thousand Russians died in 2006 due to alcohol poisoning, according to the state's most recent data, and many more succumbed to illnesses related to alcohol consumption.
²²
Still, Putin's call for another vodka monopoly to replace a hefty excise tax fizzled in 2007, ensuring that the hunt for a lasting solution to this centuries-old conundrum will go on. As it was during the time of the tsars, Russia's current economic, political, and social landscape cannot escape vodka's long shadow.

Resolution, though, in a sense, has come to at least one of the Smirnovs. Vladimir Petrovich Smirnov, the son most responsible for shepherding the family's heritage through the revolution and beyond, has found a measure of justice and peace. In 1993 his granddaughters arrived in Nice from Moscow to find his unmarked grave. They erected a tombstone on the site. The epitaph reads:
IN HONOR OF VLADIMIR PETROVICH SMIRNOV
1875–1934.
A VODKA MANUFACTURER, CITIZEN OF RUSSIA
. It was, finally, as it should have been.

I
wrote this book because I had to. There was no choice for me. Once this little corner of nineteenth-century Russia grabbed me, I was lost to it. Many others, however, did have choices and joined me anyway. I will forever be grateful to them. My skillful editor, Ben Loehnen, offered unwavering support from the first moment. He demonstrated superb instincts on every matter that came before him and, even more amazing, he managed to keep my neurosis in check. He also happens to be a very nice guy. Thanks, too, to Matt Inman for his prompt responses to my many queries, and to Richard Ljoenes for his incomparable artistic flair. My unflappable agent, David Black, deserves an abundance of credit for his judgment, loyalty, and relentless drive for editorial excellence. An author could have no better advocate.

The research associated with this book was a massive undertaking. Many wonderful librarians in the United States and Russia offered essential guidance throughout the process, including Carol Leadenham and Molly Molloy
at the Hoover Institute; Tanya Chebotarev at Columbia University's Bakhmeteff Archive; Allan Urbanic at UC Berkeley; and Sue Sypko at Harvard's Fung Library. I am also indebted to officials at the Central Historical Archive of Moscow and the State Archive of the Yaroslavl Province, Uglich branch. Experts from a variety of fields played important roles in helping me understand this story's many complexities. In Russia, I would like to thank Olga Bimman, Valentin Skurlov, Vladimir Grechukhin, Andrey Kuzmitchev, Olga Savelyeva, Mikhail Zolotarev, and Andrey Kokorev. In the United States, Patricia Herlihy deserves particular mention for her treasure chest of knowledge, for allowing me to pester her, and for her kind soul. Kate Transchel, Thomas Owen, Stefan Hedlund, and Anita Friedman also lent a much-needed hand.

Given the history, descendants of the Smirnov family were understandably hesitant to participate in this book. Nonetheless, I wish to express my sincere appreciation to Kira Smirnova and Tatiana Fomina for overcoming their misgivings and sharing some of their stories. The book is richer for it. Vadim Maksheyev and Alfonsina Mekhedinskaya, relatives of Tatiana Smirnova-Maksheyeva, should be recognized for their assistance and kind hearts. I am also grateful to the people at Diageo for their help with this book.

Special recognition must go to a handful of individuals whose contributions went well beyond what any reasonable person could have expected. Anton Valdin, an accomplished researcher and genealogist in Moscow, was unfailingly generous with his documents, time, and immense knowledge. Alina Polonskaya worked tirelessly and smartly on behalf of this project, too, unearthing many critical nuggets of information. Then there is Tatiana Glezer, the one person without whom this book could not have been possible. I count my blessings every day that I found such an intelligent, thorough investigator. Tatiana's perseverance, integrity, and natural instincts made her an ideal
partner for this endeavor. She began as a researcher thousands of miles away. Now, I am honored to call her my dear friend.

I also owe an enormous debt of gratitude to those nearest me who have endured four years of this odyssey. My friends have been priceless assets, cheering me on through writer's block and worse. I can't possibly mention them all, though they know who they are. Leah Spiro believed in this idea from the start. Betsy Corcoran gave invaluable counsel and encouragement. Alison Ross lent me her considerable brainpower. Julia Flynn Siler generously offered astute insights into this crazy process.

Finally, I cannot conclude without paying tribute to my remarkable family. They have been my greatest champions—and I theirs. I dedicate this book to them, for their unconditional support, inspiration, and love. My sister Lisa read every word I wrote, critiquing and praising as the material warranted. She was a necessary ingredient in this process, a steady, gentle reminder that anything is possible. My brother also never stopped cheering me on. I am thankful for my mother's extraordinary writing genes and for my father's enthusiasm, which was pure and powerful, carrying me past my own, not insignificant doubts. His good humor, when I needed it most, ensured that I remembered to laugh, something for which I am especially thankful. To my wonderful husband, Michael, who selflessly agreed to pack up our two young children and head to Russia with me, thank you is not nearly enough. He has steadfastly backed this project in every way possible, proving in more ways than I could ever count what a wise choice I made in marrying him all those years ago. And to the jewels of my life, my children, who would have preferred their mom write a kid's book about animals with colorful illustrations, thank you for your patience, flexibility, and hearty hugs. You make it all worthwhile.

PROLOGUE

1. “Pokhorony P. A. Smirnova,”
Moskovskiy Listok
, Dec. 3, 1898.

2. Ibid.

3. David Christian,
Living Water: Vodka and Russian Society on the Eve of Emancipation
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 27.

4. Ibid., 45.

5. State Archives of the Yaroslavl province, subsidiary in Uglich, Fund 1, Inv. 1, Case 2604, 21.

6. Ibid., Fund 56, Inv. 1, Case 1053, 11/Inv. 1, Case 1076, 25.

7. Central Historical Archives of Moscow, Fund 3, Inv. 3, Case 419 (hereafter CHAM).

8.
Vestnik finansov, promyshlennosti I torgovli, Ukazatel pravitelstvennyh rasporyazheny po ministerstvu finansov. 1899. Otchyoty kreditnyh uchrezhdeniy, torgovyh I promyshlennyh predpriyatiy
(St. Petersburg: Tipografiya Ministerstva Finansov V. Kirschbauma, 1899), 755.

9. CHAM, Fund 142, Inv. 5, Case 809, 2 and 34–49.

10. “Pokhorony P. A. Smirnova,”
Moskovskiy Listok
, Dec. 3, 1898.

11. Patricia Herlihy,
The Alcoholic Empire: Vodka and Politics in Late Imperial Russia
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 7.

12. A. P. Chekhov,
Complete Works
(Moscow-Leningrad: The State Publishing House of Artistic Literature, 1932), vol. 11:194–95.

13. Herlihy,
Alcoholic Empire
, 113.

14. William E. Johnson,
The Liquor Problem in Russia
(Westerville, OH: The American Issue Publishing Co., 1915), 154–57.

15.
Albom uchastnikov vserossiyskoy promyshlennoy i Khudozhestvennoy Vystavski v Nizhnem Novgorode 1896 g
(St. Petersburg: Tipografiya Ministerstva Putey Soobshcheniya, 1896), Part 2, Dept. “zh,” 47–48.

16. Central State Archives of Moscow, Fund 142, Inv. 5, Case 809, 76–77 (hereafter CSAM).

CHAPTER 1: HELLO

1. Roderick E. McGrew,
Russia and the Cholera 1823–1832
(Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1965), 51–52.

2. P. Karatygin.
Cholera of 1830-31
(St. Petersburg: M. M. Stasyulevich, 1887), 13.

3. McGrew,
Russia and the Cholera.

4. F. A. Brocgauz, I. A. Efron.
Entsyklopedicheskiy slovar
. Vol. T. XXV
^A
(50) (St. Petersburg: tipo-litografiya I.A. Efrona, 1898), 841.

5.
Cholera of 1830. Rasskaz avtora Afoni-Bogatyrya,
(Moscow, 1875), 6.

6. McGrew,
Russia and the Cholera of 1823–1832
(Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1965), 111.

7. Ibid., 111–13.

8. M. Sh. Shafeyev, L. M. Zorina, I. K. Khasanova et al.,
Especially Dangerous Diseases: Epidemiology and prophylaxis
(Kazan: KGMU, 2001), 26.

9. State Archives of the Yaroslavl province, subsidiary in Uglich, Fund 43, Inv. 1, Case 904, 321.

10. “Litso russkoy natsionalnosti.”
Vlast,
Sept. 26, 2005.

11. State Archives of the Yaroslavl province, subsidiary in Uglich, Fund 43, Inv. 1, Case 904, 395-a, 336-a, and 346.

12. V. A. Pushkin and B. A. Kostin,
As a Reason of Unified Love to Motherland
(Moscow: Molodaya Gvardia, 1998), 101, http://militera.lib.ru/bio/pushkin_kostin/index.html.

13. A. A. Galagan,
Istoriya predprinimatelstva rossiyskogo: Ot kuptsa do bankira
(Moscow: Os-89, 1997), 61.

14. State Archive of the Yaroslavl Province, subsidiary in Uglich, Fund 1, Inv. 1, Case 2604. 20.

15. Ibid., 23.

16. Ibid., 22.

17. William L. Blackwell,
The Industrialization of Russia
(Arlington Heights, IL: Harlan Davidson Inc., 1982), 20–23.

18. State Archives of the Yaroslavl province, subsidiary in Uglich, Fund 1, Inv. 1, Case 2672, 37–38.

19.
Russkiye Vedomosti
, no. 105, Saturday, May 19, 1873, 1.

CHAPTER 2: MOSCOW

1. A. G. Rashin, “Population of Russia over 100 years (1811–1913),” in
Statistical essays
, ed. S. F. Strumilin (Moscow, 1956), 124–25.

2. German Shtrumph, 1871, quoted after http://saturday.ng.ru/time/2000-04-08/1_cloakamaxima.html,
Subbotnik
25 (72), June 30, 2001.

3. Orlando Figes,
Natasha's Dance: A Cultural History of Russia
(New York: Henry Holt & Co., 2002), 27–36.

4. Ibid., 36.

5. Ibid., 144.

CHAPTER 3: THE LAND OF DARKNESS

1. CHAM, Fund 2, Inv. 1, Case 5665, 4.

2.
Federalnaya arkhivnaya sluzhba Rossii. Vserossiyskiy nauchnoissledovatelskiy institut dokumentovedeniya i arkhivnogo dela. Genealogicheskaya informatsiya v gosudarstvennyh arkhivah Rossii.
Spravochnoye posobiye (Moscow, 1996), 126.

3. Dostoevskiy, F. M., “Dnevnik pisatelya za 1876 god.”
Complete works in 30 volumes.
(Leningrad: Nauka, 1981), vol. 23, 158.

4. Ibid.

5. Nadezhda von Mekk to P. I. Tchaikovskiy, Belair, Mar. 2, 1887,
Perepiska s N.F. Mekk,
vol. 3, 1882–90 (Moscow-Leningrad: Academia, 1936), 467.

6. CHAM, Fund 2, Inv. 1, Case 5665, 4.

7. V. A. Fyodorov,
The Peasants' Sobriety Movement in 1858–1860s,
vol. 2,
The Revolutionary Situation in Russia 1859–1861
(Moscow, 1962), 110.

8. William E. Johnson,
The Liquor Problem in Russia
(Westerville, OH: American Issue Publishing Company, 1915), 117.

9. Ibid.

10. David Christian,
Living Water: Vodka and Russian Society on the Eve of Emancipation
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 300–302.

11 Ibid., 311.

12. Ibid., 302–3.

13. Fyodorov,
Peasants' Sobriety Movement in 1858–1859
, 122.

14. CHAM, Fund 1264, Inv. 1, Case 29, 4.

15. Ibid., Case 34.

16. Thomas Owen,
Russian Corporate Capitalism from Peter the Great to Perestroika
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 20.

17. N. V. Davydov,
Descriptions of Moscow in the 1850s and 1860s
(Moscow: Moskovskiy rabochiy, 1964), 22.

18. S. I. Chuprynin,
Moskva i moskvichi v tvorchestve Petra Dmitriyevicha Boborykina//Boborykin P. D., Kitay-gorod
(Moscow, 1985), 6.

CHAPTER 4: THE VODKA MAKER

1.
Moskovskiye Vedomosti
, Jan. 9, 1863, 3.

2. Igor Kurukin and Yelena Nikulina,
Tsar's Pub Business: Essays of Alcohol Politics and Traditions in Russia
(Moscow: Publishing House AST, 2005), 129.

3. David Christian,
Living Water: Vodka and Russian Society on the Eve of Emancipation
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 377–78.

4. I. G. Pryzhov,
History of Beggary, Pub-Keeping and Hysterics in Russia,
Online Source: http://pryzhov.narod.ru/kabak.html.

5. I. G. Pryzhov,
Istoriya kabakov v Rossii v svyazi s istoriyey russkogo naroda
(St. Petersburg-Moscow: M. O. Volf, 1868), 318–19.

6. Ben Eklof,
Russia's Great Reforms, 1855–1881
(Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1994), 200.

7.
Sekrety i nastavleniya vodochnomu torgovtsu po raznopitiyu i vodochnym skladam i sushchestvuyushchiye zakonopolozheniya po semu predmetu
(Moscow, 1876), 67.

8. James L. West and Iurri A. Petrov,
Merchant Moscow: Images of Russia's Vanished Bourgeoisie
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998), 46.

9. S. V. Bakhrushin, ed.
History of Moscow in Six Volumes
(Moscow: Izdatelstvo Akademii nauk SSSR, 1952–1959), vol. 4, 673.

10. Ibid., 721–22.

11. V. V. Skurlov and A. N. Ivanov,
Postavshchiki vysochaishego dvora
(St. Petersburg, 2002), 10–38.

12. Ibid., 4–8.

13. Russian State Historical Archive, Fund 472, Inv. 23 (253/1269), Case 9, 29–36 (hereafter RSHA).

CHAPTER 5: “DEMAND SMIRNOV VODKA”

1. “K 150-letiyu firmy “Petra Smirnova Synovya” (Iz vospominaniy i rasskazov moyego pokoynogo muzha V. P. Smirnova, umershago v 1934 godu)” Rodniye perezvony, #202, 1969, Bruzzels, 10.

2. James L. West and Iurri A. Petrov,
Merchant Moscow: Images of Russia's Vanished Bourgeoisie
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998), 63.

3. RSHA, Fund 472, Inv. 23 (253/1269), Case 9, 29–36.

4. Statisticheskiye etudy//
Biblioteka dlya chteniya,
St. Petersburg, 1864, Oct.–Nov., 31.

5. L. Ye. Shepelev,
Tituly, Mundiry, Ordena v Rossiyskoy Imperii
(Moscow: Nauka Publishing House, 1991), 112–142.

6. Alfred J. Rieber,
Merchants and Entrepreneurs in Imperial Russia
(Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1982), 124.

7. CHAM, Fund 3, Inv. 2, Case 405, back page, 1.

8. V. Gilyarovskiy,
Moscow and Muskovites
(Moscow: Poligrafresursy, 1999), http://www.booksite.ru/fulltext/gui/lya/rov/sky/4/index.htm.

9. N. N. Zhukov,
Iz zapisnyh knizhek
(Moscow: Sovetskaya Rossiya, 1976), 131–32.

10.
Ukazatel russkogo otdela venskoy vsemirnoy vystavski 1873 goda
(St. Petersburg, 1873), 50.11. CHAM, Fund 203, Inv. 764, Case 173, 293–94.

CHAPTER 6: TO VIENNA AND BACK

1. Ye. Trigo,
The Business: A Literary Political Magazine
(St. Petersburg: The Publishing House of V. Toushnov, 1873), 107.

2.
New York Times
, May 30, 1873.

3. Ye. Trigo,
The Business: A Literary Political Magazine
, 119.

4. S. Razgonov,
Honor Before Profit: A Documentary Story about Pyotr Arsenievich Smirnov, a Serf who became a Prince of Russian Vodka and a Hereditary Noble
(Moscow: Inkombuk, 2000), 59.

5. Ye. Trigo,
The Business,
107.

6.
Russkiye Vedomosti
, #105, May 19, 1873, 1.

7.
New York Times
, Aug. 10, 1873.

8.
Grazhdanin
, Nov. 12, 1873, 1229.

CHAPTER 7: MARIYA

1. Vladimir Smirnov's memoirs as told to his wife Tatiana Smirnova-Maksheyeva, obtained from Columbia University's Bakhmeteff Archive of Russian and East European Culture, translation provided by Bella Gregorian (hereafter noted as Vladimir Smirnov's memoirs).

2.
Svod uzakoneniy o zhenskih institutah vedomstva uchrezhdeniy imperatritsy Marii
(St. Petersburg: Gosudarstvennaya tipografiya, 1903), 9.

3. Moscow State Historical Archive, Fund 3, Inv. 3, Case 419.

4. K 150-letiyu firmy “Petra Smirnova Synovya” (Iz vospominaniy i rasskazov moyego pokoynogo muzha V. P. Smirnova, umershago v 1934 godu),
Rodniye perezvony,
#202, Bruzzels, 11.

5. CHAM, Fund 46, Inv. 6, Case 26, 21.

6. “K 150-letiyu firmy “Petra Smirnova Synovya” (Iz vospominaniy i rasskazov moyego pokoynogo muzha V. P. Smirnova, umershago v 1934 godu)” Rodniye perezvony, #202, 1969, Bruzzels, 11.

7. James L. West and Iurri A. Petrov,
Merchant Moscow: Images of Russia's Vanished Bourgeoisie
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998), 142.

8. Pavel A. Buryshkin,
Moskva kupecheskaya
(New York:
Chekhov Publishing Co., 1954), http://museum.micex.ru/annals/02?start=31.

9.
New York Times
, July 9, 1876, 2.

10.
Albom uchastnikov Vserossiyskoy Promyshlennoy i Khudozhestvennoy Vystavski v Nizhnem Novgorode 1896 g
(St. Petersburg: Tipografiya Ministerstva Putey Soobshcheniya, 1896), Part 2, Dept. “g,” 47.

11.
Rabocheye Dvizhenie v Rossii v XIX veke
(Moscow-Leningrad: Gosudarstvennoe izdatelstvo politicheskoy literatury, 1951), vol. 2, Part 2, 644–76.

12. A. Sakharov, L. Milov, P. Zyryanov, and A. Bokhanov,
History of Russia from the Beginning of the 18th Century until the End of the 19th Century
(Moscow: AST, 2001).

13. N. Flerovsky,
The Working Class Condition in Russia
(St. Petersburg, 1869).

14.
Rabocheye Dvizhenie v Rossii v XIX veke
, vol. 2, Part 2, 302–3.

15. K 150-letiyu firmy “Petra Smirnova Synovya,” 10–11.

16 Moskovskiy fabrichniy okrug. Otchyot za 1884 g.fabrichnogo inspektora moskovskogo okruga professora I. I. Yanzhula. St. Petersburg 1886. Appendices, Tables 1, 7, 9.

17. “K 150-letiyu firmy “Petra Smirnova Synovya” (Iz vospominaniy i rasskazov moyego pokoynogo muzha V. P. Smirnova, umershago v 1934 godu)” Rodniye perezvony, #202, 1969, Bruzzels, 10.

18. Ibid., 11–12.

CHAPTER 8: VODKA WARS

1. Edvard Radzinskiy,
Alexander II: The Last Great Tsar
(New York: Free Press, 2005), xi.

2. Ibid., 410.

3. Ibid., 426.

4.
Otchyot o vserossiyskoy vystavke 1882 goda v Moskve pod redaktsiyey V. P. Bezobrazova
(St. Petersburg: V. Bezobrazov i kompaniya, 1883), vol. 3, class 44 (Napitki), 17.

5. William E. Johnson,
The Liquor Problem in Russia
(Westerville, OH: The American Issue Publishing Co., 1915), 142.

6. R. E. F. Smith and David Christian,
Bread and Salt: A Social and Economic History of Food and Drink in Russia
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 304.

7. Ibid., 301.

8.
Vestnik Yevropy, Piteynoye delo i kabatskiy vopros v Rossii
(St. Petersburg, Sept. 1876), book 9, 215.

9.
Trudy syezda Vinokurennyh zavodchikov i spirtopromyshlennikov, sostoyavshegosya v Moskve v iyune 1892 goda
, vol. 2 Prilozheniya (St. Petersburg: V. Kirschbaum, 1893), 312.

10.
Otchyot o vserossiyskoy vystavke 1882 goda v Moskve,
vol. 3, Class 37, 21.