The Transfer Agreement (60 page)

T
HE
FUTURE
of the anti-Nazi boycott and its hoped-for winter victory
was ultimately dependent upon one factor and one factor alone:
organization.
Because the major Jewish bodies had spurned boycott, the movement resided in the basements, front parlors, and spare rooms of such devoted leaders as Samuel Untermyer, Captain Joseph Webber, and thousands of nameless workers around the world. Ad hoc boycott organizations, while enjoying massive popular support, also lacked money. Untermyer personally donated most of the money involved in his activities.
¹
The funds supporting the Captain Webber Organization undoubtedly came out of Captain Webber's own pocket. Working with such meager resources, boycott leaders tried to fight both Adolph Hitler and established Jewish organizations whose comparatively superior assets were devoted either to sabotaging the boycott or to remaining harmfully neutral.

The crisis of organization had become clear when Untermyer convened his Amsterdam conference. After the headlines had run and battle strategies were plotted, the resulting World Jewish Economic Federation was an organization without an infrastructure. They hoped Lord Melchett could maneuver British Jewish organizations into joining the Federation, but that hope was shattered by Anglo-Jewish leaders, the Zionist hierarchy, and Stephen Wise, each for their own reason.

Shortly after Amsterdam, Lord Melchett quietly disassociated himself from the Federation. Melchett's uncle, Sir Robert Mond, took his place, but Sir Robert's involvement was more symbolic than functional. By early August, Melchett had dropped out of the boycott movement altogether. The longtime Zionist had decided that the best way to beat Hitlerism was to use it to establish the Jewish State. The value of Melchett's shift from the boycott solution to the Zionist solution was readily apparent. By early August, Zionist groups in London were talking publicly about nominating Melchett for
president of the Zionist Organization at the coming eighteenth Zionist Congress.
The London Jewish Chronicle
even editorialized in favor of his election.
²
By August
1933,
Lord Melchett had completely turned the other way.

Untermyer's World Jewish Economic Federation at this point had no address, no telephone number, no field offices, no real structure, but Untermyer did enjoy one powerful resource: the people.
In
just a few months he had displaced Stephen Wise from the vanguard of Jewish defense. To millions of Jews and non-Jews alike, Untermyer was the hero of the hour, standing alone against Hitler where all other Jewish leaders had feared to tread. Untermyer intended to use his popular support to pressure the boycott-leaning, but still boycott-reluctant American Jewish Congress to abandon Wise and immediately join the movement. This would avoid the delay of waiting for Wise's Second World Jewish Conference, to be held in September.
³

As Untermyer wrestled with the boycott's organizational problem, he also realized just how crucial American participation was. At the Amsterdam conference, Untermyer learned that although devoid of formal organization, the boycott was working well in Europe and the Mediterranean region. Holland, Czechoslovakia, and Poland, for example, were nations with well-entrenched, highly effective boycotts. Egypt was enforcing a virtually hermetic trade blockade.
⁴

Untermyer understood the reasons for initial boycott successes in Europe and the Mediterranean even in the absence of a true organization. First, the countries were all smaller, less populous, and less enthnically diverse than the United States. A smaller group of leaders could rally a greater portion of the national population. Second, the lines of commerce in Europe were not as diversified as in America. Choking off a number of strategic commercial channels in many European countries was enough to smother German exports. Third, the boycotts enjoyed the official support of labor organizations, East European Jewish religious bodies, and, to a certain extent, the national governments themselves. So greater resources were available, thus injecting the understaffed movements with an unexpected stamina.
⁵

On the other hand, the boycott in America was lagging behind badly. German imports to the United States for the first six months of
1933
had dropped at least
22
percent below the
1932
level.
⁶
But imports would have to quickly dip to
50,
to
70
percent of their
1932
level, as they had in European markets, if Germany was to crack. Untermyer knew that to achieve that effectiveness, he would need what he didn't have: a well-financed organization capable of covering the vast territory of the United States.
⁷

On July
31,
Samuel Untermyer sailed from Plymouth, England, in triumph. During a press conference just before the ship departed for New York, Untermyer asserted that his Amsterdam conference was a total success, especially given the short notice. He insisted that the boycott, with just a little
more intensification, would win. "The spontaneous outpourings by non-Jews as well as Jews," Untermyer proclaimed, "confirms the view that it [the boycott] may be regarded as a worldwide uprising of civilization ... regardless of race and creed, against the most incredible crime of many centuries."
⁸
In a week, Untermyer would arrive in New York, the new Jewish champion. He would then call the Jewish population of America to his side. He hoped the Congress leadership would follow.

August 3, 1933, 8:15 P.M., in a conference room at the New Yorker Hotel, American Jewish Congress president Bernard Deutsch convened a special meeting of the Administrative Committee. Under Congress bylaws, the Administrative Committee decided policy; the Executive Committee implemented the decisions. As soon as the Administrative session was called to order, Deutsch explained the crisis: First, Samuel Untermyer was sailing back to New York. Second, the Amsterdam conference had "received wide publicity here." Third, upon his return, Untermyer would "be met with a great deal of acclaim by welcoming committees." Deutsch was forced to concede that Untermyer had singlehandedly overshadowed the Congress. He had proclaimed the global boycott while the Congress had not made a decision. The Congress' reluctance to join the boycott movement was now a "storm raised on all sides by various branches of the Congress demanding a determined stand."
⁹

Deutsch explained that the Congress was still awaiting the signal from Dr. Wise, at that time in Europe. Wise had been cabled for his "latest views" and for instructions, since the boycott decision was due to be announced at the August 6 Executive Committee meeting. This decision had already been delayed innumerable times. Then Deutsch related Wise's answer: Joining the boycott now "would be undesirable and dangerous .... It is now absolutely necessary to postpone any decision" until the Second World Jewish Conference preparatory meeting in Prague, August 18.
¹⁰

The world was demanding action. Wise was counseling delay. What was to be the August 6 Executive announcement, boycott or no boycott?
¹¹

The members argued back and forth. The reluctant ones weren't exactly sure why they opposed the boycott: Maybe it wouldn't work .... Maybe
it
would offend a fragile joint consultative agreement recently worked out with the American Jewish Committee and B'nai B'rith—this to make some feeble effort at unity .... Maybe Wise would look bad if the boycott were declared in his absence and against his specific advice .... Maybe a Jewish-led boycott would alienate the Christian community—and the old fear, boycott might provoke German reprisals against the Jews.
¹²

Dr. Joseph Tenenbaum, a staunch boycott proponent from the start, chastised his fellow leaders:
"If
the American Jewish Congress does or does not decide to declare the boycott, the conditions of the Jews in Germany
the could not be made more serious. . . . Now is the time for action, because in the last six weeks, an unparalleled rabid anti-Semitism has broken out. . . . Hitler has declared that 'there is going to be no mitigation of the Jewish question.' . . . The boycott is being carried on without the Congress . . . because the Congress did not have the courage or the conviction to come out . . . with a stand."
¹³

Tenenbaum predicted that the American Federation of Labor would follow the example of England's Trades Union Congress and openly declare for the boycott. He pointed out that in Europe, especially France and Poland, the boycott was extremely effective, and America's contribution could make the difference. The moment was late, Tenenbaum admitted, but if the Congress did not proclaim its support for the boycott at the August 6 Executive session, it would be
too
late. Citing the demands by Congress leaders all over the country, Tenenbaum formally proposed instructing the Executive Committee to proclaim the boycott at their August 6 meeting and to "concentrate all efforts" to make it work.
¹⁴

Mr. Leo Wolfson followed Tenenbaum's emotional plea by suggesting the August 6 meeting be postponed until Stephen Wise returned from Europe. Mr. Isidore Teitelbaum went further and recommended that the whole boycott notion be abandoned as a bad idea; he preferred to fight Germany "diplomatically and by appealing to the sense of justice and American fairplay to help the Jews in Germany."
¹⁵

Wolfson's and Teitelbaum's suggestions sparked immediate rebuttals by boycott advocates. Mr. Morris Margulies declared, "We have all the information on this problem that we can ever have .... We should not wait for Dr. Wise for further action." He emphasized that Samuel Untermyer and only Samuel Untermyer had brought about an effective boycott, and the Congress should immediately back his boycott group. Mr. Herman Speier chimed in that the Congress could not "declare" a boycott if it wanted to, because the boycott was already under way. The best the come-lately Congress could hope to do was "endorse" the existing movement. But this was urgent, if only to help Untermyer.
¹⁶

As the conflict focused on Stephen Wise's leadership failure, Mr. Zelig Tygel urged his colleagues to decide for the boycott and simply cable the news to Wise in Europe.
¹⁷
Dr. Samuel Margoshes, an early boycott proponent, reminded them that Samuel Untermyer was sailing back to America with the power of Amsterdam behind him. Everyone knew that Untermyer would build a "great and important boycott movement throughout the U.S. . . . We should join forces with him now, setting up an organization which includes the American Jewish Congress." Margoshes deplored Wise's strategy of delay: "The time to act is
now
. . .
not a delay for two or three months."
¹⁸

It was near midnight. The Congress men were weary of debate. Votes were called for Wolfson's motion to postpone the August 6 meeting. Just before the votes were cast, Tenenbaum reiterated his plea against delay.
¹⁹
Twenty-two of the twenty-five assembled men cast votes. Ten to endorse the boycott on August 6. Twelve for postponement. The new date for a decision would be August 20,
1933.
²⁰

Late in the morning on August 6,
1933,
the French liner
Paris
sailed past the Statue of Liberty. Samuel Untermyer was aboard, triumphantly returning to America as the foremost adversary of Adolf Hitler. Awaiting him was a Jewish community eager to follow and a non-Jewish community ready to join. As the
Paris
neared the city, it was met by chartered boats bedecked with huge placards proclaiming Untermyer "Our Leader" and congratulating him for a great achievement in Amsterdam. A band aboard one boat struck up welcome music as it followed the
Paris
into dock. As soon as the gangplank was lowered onto Pier
15
,
two dozen representatives of Jewish and civic organizations along with a gaggle of reporters scampered up to Untermyer's cabin for a hearty round of congratulations and an impromptu press conference.
²¹

Untermyer told of the great gains made against Nazi economic survival, but declared America must now catch up to other countries. "It is not a fight of Jews, but of humanity," Untermyer said. "We are embattled for every liberty-loving citizen of whatever race or creed."
²²

Waiting on the pier itself when Untermyer descended the gangplank were
5,000
cheering supporters: Jewish War Veterans and American Legionnaires in full uniform, members of the Zionist Organization of America, Hadassah, and numerous other Jewish and non-Jewish groups. They had been waiting for hours. As the fiesty seventy-five-year-old crusader was helped through the crowd, he stopped to address a shipside reception committee. As he finally reached the street,
10,000
more supporters were waiting
for him to pass.
²³
The cheers for Untermyer were cheers for the boycott. The American Jews who had lagged so long behind their compatriots in other countries were now grateful that someone would lead.

Untermyer was ushered to a waiting car. From West Fifteenth Street, he was whisked by police motorcycle escort uptown to the American Broadcasting Company, where a national radio hookup was waiting.
²⁴
From WABC studios, Untermyer sought to rally the nation and force the existing Jewish organizations, especially the Congress, to join the boycott fight. His words were addressed to both Jews and non-Jews: "My Friends: What a joy and relief and sense of security to be once more on American soil! The nightmares . . . through which I have passed in those two weeks in Europe, listening to the heartbreaking tales of refugee victims . . . beggar description. I deeply appreciate your enthusiastic greeting on my arrival today, which I quite understand is addressed not to me personally but to the holy war in the cause of humanity in which we are embarked."
²⁵