Wellington’s Engineers: Military Engineering on the Peninsular War 1808-1814 (3 page)

The Royal Military Artificers and Royal Sappers and Miners

One of the anomalies of the Corps of Royal Engineers at this time was that it was an officer-only organisation. There were no rank and file. Manual labour and tradesmen were provided from the infantry regiments whilst on campaign and by local civilians for static establishments. The first steps to redress this omission were taken at the garrison in Gibraltar in 1770 when the senior Royal Engineer suggested that skilled tradesmen should be transferred from the garrison regiments there and formed into a permanent body to carry out military engineering work. A Royal Warrant was issued in 1772, to raise a ‘Company of Soldier Artificers’ to serve only at Gibraltar.
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In 1786, a second company was raised.
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As tensions grew in Europe, and the need to defend the shores of Great Britain became more apparent, a further six companies were raised in 1787, under the title of the ‘Corps of Royal Military Artificers’ (RMA). They were to serve at Woolwich, Chatham, Portsmouth, Gosport, Plymouth and the Channel Islands. Again, each company was destined to serve only in the one location. A further four companies were added in 1806 to serve at Dover, Cork, in Nova Scotia and in the West Indies.

The intention behind the formation of the RMA was to provide skilled workmen at the main Ordnance facilities around Britain, Europe and eventually the globe. There was never any intention that these troops would be mobile and available to travel in significant numbers with an army. The lack of their own officers meant that they were never properly managed and they were allowed levels of freedom that should never have been tolerated in any military organisation. Captain Charles William Pasley RE commented on the soldiers ‘going grey’ in the corps, while stagnating in the same location, for life. He also commented on the effects of receiving volunteers from the line regiments, which allowed units to get rid of their worst men.
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The Formation of the Royal Staff Corps

Friction between the Army and the Board of Ordnance about the supply of officers and equipment was not unusual, the campaigns in the Low Countries in the 1790s being a low point in the relationship. The Duke of York, who commanded one of these unsuccessful campaigns, felt that he was let down badly by the Ordnance and took steps to ensure it never happened again. In 1800, the Royal Staff Corps (RSC) was formed to provide the same services that historically had been provided by the Royal Engineers. This small corps contained both officers and artificers and initially was a single company strong, although it did later grow to battalion size. Both officers and artificers had to have training either at a military school or through an apprenticeship. A number of officers, including Henry Sturgeon, transferred in from the Ordnance, but subsequently they provided their own officers.

The RSC was not meant to be a direct replacement for the Royal Engineers, but was designed to work alongside them. In theory the Royal Engineers focussed on static defences (sieges and fortifications) and the RSC concentrated on operational work (reconnaissance, mapping, bridging and field works), but in practice the line between them became blurred very quickly. The formation of the RSC was to ensure that the Army had some engineering expertise under its direct control.

The Contribution of the Portuguese Engineers

One area that remains overlooked and needs further research is the contribution of the Portuguese engineers to the Peninsular War. They tend to make fleeting appearances in English works but clearly played a larger role. Some senior Portuguese engineer officers were appointed as military governors in various towns and they had a constant presence in most Portuguese fortresses. The defences around the city of Lisbon were under their control throughout the war. Their involvement in the design and construction of the Lines of Torres Vedras remains a little controversial. They clearly had more involvement than they have been given credit for. The name of Neves Costa was virtually unknown outside of Portugal until recently, but his contribution to the Lines is now better understood.

The Portuguese engineer service was also complete in the way that the British was not, They had both officers and artificers and these were deployed with some Portuguese army brigades. This was something that Wellington could not even consider until late 1813. When Wellington advanced towards the French border in 1813, Portuguese engineers went with him. The English pontoon trains were actually operated by Portuguese seamen. The Corps of Guides, formed in Portugal in September 1808 by George Scovell, appears to have been mainly Portuguese and some of them were certainly involved in mapping over the coming years.

There is an absence of significant recent work on the engineering services supporting the British army. The relevant volume of the history of the Corps was written over 100 years ago. The history of the Royal Sappers and Miners is even older. There is almost nothing in print on the Royal Staff Corps. The situation is no better in Portugal. Sepluveda’s work on the Portuguese engineers is also 100 years old. It is time for a re-evaluation. This book tells the same story of the Peninsular War, but from a different perspective. This is not about the detail of the major battles or sieges, it is about the unseen and little-understood work that went on around the major events and contributed to their success.

The first campaign in the Iberian Peninsula saw the piecemeal arrival of British troops from all over Europe. Various fleets converged on Mondego Bay in July and August 1808 from England, Ireland, Sweden and the Mediterranean. The first engineers to arrive from Cork with Sir Arthur Wellesley were Captain Howard Elphinstone with Second Captain Patton and Lieutenants Williams, Boteler, Wells and English. Captain George Landmann with Lieutenants Mulcaster and Mercer arrived from Gibraltar with Sir Brent Spencer. Captain Richard Fletcher with Captains Squire and Burgoyne, Lieutenants Smith, Forster and Stanway arrived with Sir Harry Burrard and Sir John Moore.

Elphinstone had recently returned from the ill-fated South American expedition to the Rio de la Plata and was assigned to Sir Arthur Wellesley’s new South American task force. Following requests for support from the Spanish provinces that had risen against Napoleon, the task force was rapidly diverted to the new Iberian adventure. In the early euphoria following the French surrender at Bailén on 19 July 1808, the Spanish were keen to get assistance in the form of arms and money but were reluctant to allow British troops on their soil. Wellesley’s original plan was to land his troops at Corunna but the Spanish suggested he would be better employed supporting the Portuguese. Wellesley accordingly moved south to Oporto and then on to Lisbon for talks with the Portuguese authorities.

Elphinstone wrote frequently to his wife and provides entertaining although not always accurate commentary on what was going on. As the senior engineer present he became, by default, the Commanding Royal Engineer with the army. Writing home to his wife on 27 July 1808, he expressed his initial impressions and hopes for the campaign.

We anchored in this bay [Mondego Bay] yesterday morning and are to land in the course of a day or two. The inhabitants are friendly to us and there is no danger in landing … Junot has but a small force in Lisbon such as I think will surrender upon our appearance … I am only afraid that the opposition will be so trifling that I shall not get a Majority [i.e. promotion] from the French rogue.
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He also noted that he dined with Sir Arthur Wellesley on his first night ashore and said ‘from what I can perceive at present everything will go on alright with him’.
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His first intention was to get transport for himself, but, as the whole army was discovering, horses were in very short supply and his demands on the commissariat fell on deaf ears. As Elphinstone was riding a mule at the first battle, his high hopes of securing a thoroughbred were obviously dashed. Having said that, you should not confuse an Iberian mule with a British seaside donkey, these were big, powerful brutes! He noted he paid 94 dollars for his ‘neddy’.

In the days following Elphinstone’s landing, other engineers started arriving including Captain George Landmann, whose father was Professor of Fortifications at the Royal Military Academy. Landmann had powerful delusions of grandeur and soon would get his brief moment of glory. But first, like Elphinstone, he needed personal transport and bought a pony without a personal inspection. You can hear Landmann making fun of himself as he described the first ride on his new pony on 10 August 1808:

… at the sounding of the bugle next morning, I jumped up and ordered my famous pony to be accoutred with my handsome new Mameluke saddle, holsters and ornamented bridle etc; then swinging over my left shoulder, my spy glass … and my haversack … over my right shoulder, I mounted [and found that whatever encouragement was applied] my pony advanced no faster than a walk.
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Landmann’s movements in these early days of the war are fairly well known through his self-publicising two-volume memoirs.
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But he does also tell us what Wellesley and Elphinstone were doing.

Beginning a trend that continued throughout the war, engineers were assigned to each infantry brigade and would report directly to the unit commander. Landmann was appointed to General Fane’s brigade. Elphinstone as CRE would have remained with Wellesley at his headquarters.

On the morning of 11 August the troops were raised around 3 a.m. and stood to arms until after daybreak when it was confirmed there was no sign of a French attack. The army remained around Leiria until the morning of the 14th when after a cold, foggy start the warm weather quickly turned into a hot, dry day with copious amounts of dust covering everyone. Staying close to the coast, the army advanced to Alcobaça where the first contact with the French under Delaborde occurred. The Allied army then moved on to Caldas da Rainha on the 15th. The next day, at Óbidos, Landmann describes his Engineers’ training kicking in.

My first object was to reconnoitre the whole of the surrounding country [around Óbidos]. Having quickly inspected the ground to the west, I crossed the valley to the eastward of the town … where there is a good road … which I suspected might join … the more direct road to Lisbon which is by Roliça. Having questioned several of the country people … they confirmed my conjecture.
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He then rode back to Óbidos to brief General Fane, reporting that the French could be clearly seen on the heights of Columbeira. Although Landmann recounts as his own idea the decision to reconnoitre in front of the advancing army, it is more likely that such activity was being ordered by Wellesley and co-ordinated through Elphinstone.

On the morning of 17 August, Landmann was back in the Moorish tower at Óbidos watching the French ‘with my famous three-feet telescope, by Watson’
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when Sir Arthur Wellesley arrived. Landmann’s account has him passing his telescope to Wellesley and then briefing him on the terrain based on his reconnaissance the day before. Five engineer officers were present at the first battle of the war at Roliça on 17 August 1808. They were Elphinstone in command, Captain Landmann and Lieutenants English, Mulcaster and Wells. Landmann was with the flanking force under General Fane and Elphinstone remained with Wellesley. Late in the day, Elphinstone was wounded, a musket ball shattering his lower jaw. Landmann related that Elphinstone was watching the assault of the 29th Regiment at Columbeira through his telescope when he was hit, the shock knocking him from his mule. ‘He was raised by Lieutenant Mulcaster’
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and Elphinstone described, as he retired, ‘a second ball did me the favour to graze my thigh – a third saluted me on the rump’.
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Landmann lost no time in personally visiting Wellesley at headquarters and writing to the Board of Ordnance reporting he was now the Commanding Royal Engineer, but could not find the time to visit the injured Elphinstone until the following day. He reported the action as follows:

I have to report that yesterday the army under the command of Sir Arthur Wellesley, proceeded from Óbidos, and engaged the French troops under the command of General La Port [
sic
], who had taken a very strong post in the mountains we now occupy, which we carried after a very severe action of about four hours – It is with the deepest regret that I have to say that Captain Elphinstone was severely wounded by a musquet ball in the face, the surgeons report is very favourable, and I hope he will be again able to take the command, although I fear it may be some time. I was unfortunately not able to see him myself, as we had advanced too far before I heard of the accident. Lieutenant Mulcaster was with Captain Elphinstone at the time, and has seen him last night who says he was in good spirits, and well taken care of in a small village about three miles in the rear of our present situation. I am happy to add that all the other officers of the corps have escaped unhurt.
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The Allied army now moved south to Vimeiro to cover the landing of Acland and Anstruther’s brigades. Junot, realising that any chance of success would diminish once these troops were ashore, attacked on the morning of 21 August. Although Sir Harry Burrard had arrived in Maceira Bay to take over command, he had not yet landed and Wellesley was able to retain command during the battle. During the battle, Landmann described the situation around Wellington who was ignoring the French skirmishers shooting at him, causing much anxiety to the young engineer Lieutenant Edmund Mulcaster. After the second time that Mulcaster brought the situation to Wellington’s attention, he was ordered to chase them away, which he promptly carried out with the assistance of some orderly dragoons.

Landmann’s report on Vimeiro was short and to the point:

I have the honour to report to you that a little after eight o’clock this morning we were attacked by a large force of the enemy said to be about sixteen thousand under the command of General Junot. We obtained a complete victory by 12 o’clock, the enemy having left in the field about 15 pieces of ordnance and a great quantity of ammunition. It is with great regret that I have to report that Lieutenant Wells is missing. I have no doubt of his being a prisoner, for had he been killed or wounded we should have found him, as the field of battle remained in our hands. The last accounts I had of the state of Captain Elphinstone’s wounds were very favourable, and I expect him to be able to return to duty in about a month.
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There may have been a practical reason why his report was so short. He recorded in his book that it was written in the rain, under an umbrella picked up on the battlefield. Lieutenant Wells had been assigned to General Acland’s brigade and was asked to ride to a unit of Portuguese cavalry to give them orders. Being short-sighted, he got lost and mistook a group of French staff for his intended target, whereupon he was made prisoner. Wells was then taken to Junot and spent the remainder of the battle with the French commander. He remained a prisoner until he was released as part of the terms of the Convention of Cintra.
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Captain Richard Fletcher RE had arrived with Sir Harry Burrard on the eve of Vimeiro but neither got ashore until after the battle. Burrard replaced Wellesley as commander of the army and Fletcher took command of the Royal Engineers. Fletcher, because he was not present at the battle, allowed Landmann the honour of reporting to the Board of Ordnance the victories of Roliça and Vimeiro to the Board of Ordnance.

Elphinstone had held the position of CRE for sixteen days and Landmann for a mere four days. Elphinstone showed his character very early with his annoyance when he discovered a French émigré engineer, Captain Preval, was on board HMS
Crocodile
with Wellesley and who quite rightly, being his senior, would not accept Elphinstone’s authority. Preval, who was under the command of the Royal Engineers, had been sent out to Lisbon in advance of the main force to evaluate the situation there. Wellington sought his advice when he briefly visited the city and took him on board before returning to Mondego Bay. Elphinstone lost no time writing home reporting the situation and also complained to his wife that it was very ‘shabby’ that Fletcher had been sent out above him. Elphinstone’s reason for requesting leave to go home was more about his injured pride rather than his injured chin.

Issues around seniority were a constant theme for engineer officers in the Peninsula. The senior officer of engineers at any location or an officer acting on his own was entitled to claim the title of Commanding Royal Engineer. This could lead to a greater chance of recognition in dispatches and the potential for brevet promotion in the army lists. Apart from the kudos of commanding, positions of authority also came with increased pay and allowances. This additional pay was significant. Fletcher noted the award of 5s [shillings]
per diem
command pay in 1808.
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A captain’s daily pay was 11s, in this case doubled to 22s as engineers received double pay when on active service to help cover their additional costs.
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Before Fletcher left England in July 1808, he wrote to his superiors at the Board of Ordnance asking for clarification on his role. He pointed out that Colonel Harding was likely to be appointed to command the Royal Artillery and would be a senior Ordnance officer. He asked for clarification that he would command the engineers with the Army and that this would also be independent of the engineering command at Gibraltar.
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Fletcher received the confirmation of his appointment as CRE in Spain and Portugal in early September 1808.
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Why was Richard Fletcher selected for this very important role? This was the biggest expedition organised by the British Army for many years. At first glance the decision seemed odd. Fletcher’s seniority in the Corps was a lowly 24th out of 143. However, when you go through his superiors and strike off those holding senior posts at Ordnance headquarters, those commanding major stations in the UK, those commanding stations abroad, the choice came down to two officers, Robert D’Arcy and Richard Fletcher, with three less likely possibilities (Alexander Bryce, Augustus De Butts and John Rowley). It looks likely that Fletcher was selected as he had the most recent field experience. D’Arcy went on the ill-fated Walcheren campaign in 1809 where he narrowly avoided a court-martial for insubordination but was still offered a baronetcy, something Fletcher did not get until the end of 1812! It should also be noted that some of Fletcher’s superiors were VERY old, with several being over 60. Fletcher was a sprightly 40 years young. It also says something about his views on his duty that despite having lost his wife a few weeks earlier, he left his six children in the care of relatives to go on this expedition.
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The day after the Battle of Vimeiro, the French asked for a ceasefire to discuss terms for their evacuation of Portugal. These negotiations led to the unpopular Convention of Cintra where the French and their ‘personal possessions’ (in many cases including items stolen from Portugal) were transported home in British ships with no restrictions on the troops serving again. Following widespread outrage at home and in Portugal, the Allied commanders Dalrymple and Burrard, along with Wellesley, were recalled for an inquiry with Sir John Moore taking over command of the Allied army. Under the terms of the Convention, the French troops started to embark at the beginning of September 1808 and Fletcher was assigning his officers to various tasks. These included: