41
Critiques of the Eurocentric masculinist knowledge-validation process by both Africanist and feminist scholars illustrate this point. What one group labels “white” and “Eurocentric,” the other describes as “male-dominated” and “masculinist.” Although he does not emphasize its patriarchal and racist features, Morris Berman's
The Reenchantment of the World
(New York: Bantam Books, 1981) provides a historical discussion of Western thought. Afrocentric analyses of this same process can be found in Molefi Kete Asante, “International/Intercultural Relations,” in
Contemporary Black Thought
, ed. Molefi Kete Asante and Abdulai S. Vandi (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications, 1980), 43â58; and Dona Richards, “European Mythology: The Ideology of âProgress,'” in Asante and Vandi,
Contemporary Black Thought
, 59â79. For feminist analyses, see Hartsock,
Money, Sex, and Power
. Harding also discusses this similarity (see Chap. 7, “Other âOthers' and Fractured Identities: Issues for Epistemologists,” 63â96).
42
Harding,
The Science Question
, 166.
43
D. King, “Race, Class and Gender Salience.”
44
Bonnie Thornton Dill, “The Dialectics of Black Womanhood,”
Signs
4, no. 3 (Spring 1979): 543â55.
45
One implication of standpoint approaches is that the more subordinate the group, the purer the vision of the oppressed group. This is an outcome of the origins of standpoint approaches in Marxist social theory, itself a dualistic analysis of social structure. Because such approaches rely on quantifying and ranking human oppressionsâfamiliar tenets of positivist approachesâthey are rejected by blacks and feminists alike. See Harding,
The Science Question
, for a discussion of this point. See also Elizabeth V. Spelman's discussion of the fallacy of additive oppression in “Theories of Race and Gender: The Erasure of Black Women,”
Quest
5, no. 4 (1982): 36â62.
46
Class differences among black women may be marked. For example, see Paula Giddings's analysis (in
When and Where I Enter
) of the role of social class in shaping black women's political activism; or Elizabeth Higginbotham's study of the effects of social class in black women's college attendance in “Race and Class Barriers to Black Women's College Attendance,”
Journal of Ethnic Studies
13, no. 1 (1985): 89â107. Those African American women who have experienced the greatest degree of convergence of race, class, and gender oppression may be in a better position to recognize and use an alternative epistemology.
47
Gwaltney,
Drylongso
, 83.
48
William L. Andrews,
Sisters of the Spirit: Three Black Women's Autobiographies of the Nineteenth Century
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986), 85.
49
Gwaltney,
Drylongso
, 147.
50
Geneva Smitherman,
Talkin and Testifyin: The Language of Black America
(Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1986), 76.
51
Gwaltney,
Drylongso
, 68.
54
Elsa Barkley Brown, “Hearing Our Mothers' Lives” (paper presented at the Fifteenth Anniversary Faculty Lecture Series, African American and African Studies, Emory University, Atlanta, 1986).
55
Ladner,
Tomorrow's Tomorrow
.
56
Mitchell and Lewter,
Soul Theology
. The use of the narrative approach in African American theology exemplifies an inductive system of logic alternately called “folk wisdom” or a survival-based, need-oriented method of assessing knowledge claims.
58
June Jordan,
On Call: Political Essays
(Boston: South End Press, 1985), 26.
59
Mary Belenky, Blythe Clinchy, Nancy Goldberger, and Jill Tarule,
Women's Ways of Knowing
(New York: Basic Books, 1986), 113.
60
Hartsock,
Money, Sex, and Power
, 237; and Nancy Chodorow,
The Reproduction of Mothering
(Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1978).
61
Dorothy Smith,
The Everyday World as Problematic
(Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1987).
62
Byerly,
Hard Times Cotton Mill Girls
, 198.
63
For black women's centrality in the family, see Steady,
The Black Woman;
Ladner,
Tomorrow's Tomorrow
; Brown, “Hearing Our Mothers' Lives”; and McAdoo,
Black Families
. See Gilkes, “âTogether and in Harness,' ” for black women in the church; and chapter 4 of Deborah Gray White,
Ar'n't I a Woman? Female Slaves in the Plantation South
(New York: W. W. Norton, 1985). See also Gloria Joseph, “Black Mothers and Daughters: Their Roles and Functions in American Society,” in
Common Differences: Conflicts in Black and White Feminist Perspectives
, ed. Gloria Joseph and Jill Lewis (Garden City, NY: Anchor, 1981), 75â126. Even though black women play essential roles in black families and black churches, these institutions are not free from sexism.
64
Black men, white women, and members of other race, class, and gender groups should be encouraged to interpret, teach, and critique the black feminist thought produced by African American women.
65
Walker,
In Search of Our Mothers' Gardens
(New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1974), 91.
68
Collins, “Learning from the Outsider Within.”
69
This point addresses the question of relativity in the sociology of knowledge and offers a way of regulating competing knowledge claims.
CHAPTER FIVE
The Body Politic: Sexuality, Violence, and Reproduction
... black women are the beached whales of the sexual universe, unvoiced, misseen, not doing, awaiting their verb. Their sexual experiences are depicted, but not often by them.... they have had long experience with the brutalizations of male power, are subject to rape, know their womanhood and sexual being as crucially related and decisively timed moments in the creation and nurture of human life....
âHORTENSE SPILLERS, “Interstices: A Small Drama of Words”
INTRODUCTION
Â
B
lack women's bodies have been sites of contestation since Europeans first set foot on African soil to appropriate free labor for the brutal system of slavery. Myths about black female sexuality, born on the African continent, would follow black women to the “New World” and help to justify their sexual exploitation for generations thereafter.
Contemporary black feminists concern themselves with a broader discourse on sexuality and reproduction. They write about abortion, incest, lesbianism, homophobia, rape, domestic violence, and sexual harassment. Their concerns transcend geographical boundaries because of their global perspective on the oppression of women. Their African diasporan or Pan-African perspective demands that they be in solidarity with women of African descent throughout the world and that they struggle with them around issues of particular concern to women. This includes the elimination of poverty and disease and barriers to women's emancipation. It also includes issues around reproductive health, including the controversial practice of female genital mutilation. Ultimately, issues surrounding the body politic, in all their complexity, will profoundly impact the well-being and survival of black women and their families.
Barbara Omolade
B
arbara Omolade, an activist, writer, and professor, grew up in New York City and participated in both the civil rights and women's movements. While a senior in college, she worked in the New York SNCC offices where she became a nationalist, an intellectual, and serious about political matters and African culture. While on welfare as a single mother, she read Gerda Lerner's
Black Women in White America
and decided to pursue graduate study. A job at a battered women's shelter (after welfare) inspired her to read (
The Rising Song
, xii) and in 1970 she returned to the academy and taught a course on black women. In the late 1970s she worked at Women's Action Alliance and Women's Survival Space and volunteered with The Black United Front and The Sisterhood of Black Single Mothers.
“Hearts of Darkness,” which appeared in
Powers of Desire: The Politics of Sexuality
(1983), is a historical essay dealing with the neglected topic of black female sexuality in which Omalade critiques the myth of black women as mainly victims. The essay is also a black feminist rendering of the complex sexual history of the United States.
Her book,
The Rising Song of African American Women
(1994), a provocative collection of autobiographical/political essays, chronicles her development as a “race woman” and black feminist activist/teacher. It includes her previously published essay on black feminist pedagogy, analyses of the Central Park jogger case, black women troops in the Gulf War, and the Tawana Brawley saga. Omolade works at City College at the Center for Worker Education in New York.
HEARTS OF DARKNESS
T
he sexual history of the United States began at the historical moment when European men met African women in the “heart of darkness”
1
âMother Africa. They faced each other as conqueror and conquered: African women captives were considered the sexual property of the European conquerors.
2
The African sexuality confronted by European men was an integral part of a sensuality that permeated music, dance, and religion. West African women often performed dances such as the “crotch dance, an improvised folk drama enacted by the women at the height of the birth celebration, in which women strike their crotches firmly with both their hands.”
3
However tactile, pleasurable, and comfortable these daily creative art forms, they were not necessarily indicative of sexual promiscuity. Rather, African cultures taught men and women to use their bodies in fluid, rhythmic ways, within a sexual code of behavior that frequently countenanced murdering women who committed adultery and often practiced female clitoridectomy.
4
The African woman who faced the European man was a wife, a mother, a daughter, a sister, nestled in tribal societies and protected by fathers, husbands, and brothers who upheld the sanctity and primacy of marriage and motherhood for women.
Nevertheless, in the hip-shaking, bare-breasted women with sweating bodies who danced to drums played by intense black men, in the market women and nursing mothers wrapped in African cloth, in the scantily clad farming women, the European man saw a being who embodied all that was evil and profane to his sensibilities. He perceived the African's sensual ways according to his own cultural definitions of sex, nudity, and blackness as base, foul, and bestial. He did not attempt to understand how Africans defined their own behavior.
5
He made assumptions and invented knowledge about their behavior as he created the conditions for this “knowledge” to become the reality. He viewed the African expression of sensuality through public rites, rituals, and dances as evidence of the absence of any
sexual codes of behavior, an idea that both fascinated and repelled him and also provided him with a needed rationale for the economic exploitation of African men and women.
As historian Richard Hofstadter explains:
Naked and libidinous: for the white man's preoccupation with Negro sexuality was there at the very beginning, an outcome not only of his own guilt at sexual exploitationâhis easy access to the black woman was immediately blamed on her lasciviousnessâbut also of his envious suspicion that some extraordinary potency and ecstatic experience were associated with primitive lust.
6
Within the strange “commingling of desire and hate,”
7
white men would continue to penetrate and plunder Mother Africa for five centuries while creating a worldview centered around the myth of race and racism that upheld white supremacy and the total domination of black people.
The sexual history of the United States became fused with contradiction and duality, with myth and distortion, with the white man's hate and desire for the black woman, with competition and jealousy between white and black women for white men, with love and struggle between black men and black women. American sexual history reflects the development of patriarchal control stretched to its maximum extent by European men operating within a racial caste system supported by state power in which white maleness becomes the only definition of being. Simultaneously, the extremes of American patriarchy, particularly under slavery, pushed black women outside traditional patriarchal protection, thereby transforming all previous definitions of womanhood, particularly the idea that woman requires male protection because of her innate weakness and inferiority.
8
Black women were oppressed and exploited labor and as such were forced to redefine themselves as women outside of and antagonistic to the racial patriarch, who denied their being. Most black women refused to accept the traditional notions of subordination of woman to man. The black woman resisted racial patriarchy by escaping, stealing, killing, outsmarting, and bargaining with her white master while she had sex with him, had babies by him, ministered to his needs, growing “to know all there was to know about him.”
9
At the same time, most black women accepted traditional notions of patriarchy from black men because they viewed the Afro-Christian tradition of woman as mother and wife as personally desirable and politically necessary for black people's survival.