Brown, Dale - Patrick McLanahan 03 (38 page)

           
“I was not aware that I was required
to—”

           
“I have learned that you have
ordered New Armed Forces personnel in Puerto Princesa to surrender to the
provincial police, and the airfields there and at Buenavista to be shut down,”
Mikaso interrupted. “I hear reports that say that Chinese patrol boats were
seen in ports throughout
Palawan
,
including Puerto Princesa, Buenavista, Teneguiban, and Araceli, and that
Chinese vessels patrol the
Cuyo
West
Pass
and even the
Mindoro
Strait
. I hear the screams in the streets outside,
saying that you accuse me of being a traitor to our country. Are these reports
true?”

           
“The Philippine Navy is severely
crippled, sir,” Teguina replied. “The Chinese patrol boats were graciously
loaned to provincial police officers in an effort to restore order to the
province—”

           
“Is the Army assisting the
provincial police in restoring order?”

           
“No, Mr. President,” Teguina
sniffed. “According to my research and the reports I received, it was an
American B43 bomb that exploded off the coast of
Palawan
; the experts I consulted said that the
weapon was old and thankfully did not produce a full yield.” Teguina knew
enough about nuclear bombs to know that it takes a smaller nuclear explosion to
trigger the main explosion; this obscure factoid made the lie even easier. “The
Chinese vessels were attacked without provocation by a Philippine Air Force F-4
fighter- bomber carrying this American nuclear weapon. The jet fighter crew,
who was working for the American Central Intelligence Agency, destroyed a
Chinese ship, along with several Philippine ships, during the attack.

           
“Because I am not sure as yet
exactly who is responsible for the unprovoked attack on those Chinese vessels,
I thought it best to turn all local police and military functions over to the
provincial police and to curtail all military operations until an investigation
is completed.”

           
“General di Silva is in command of
the
Palawan
defense forces?” Mikaso asked. Reregistered
surprise for a moment, then relaxed and studied Teguina. “I see,” the aged
President finally said. “So. Did you encounter resistance when you decided to
occupy the Air Force base with provincial police officers and Chinese troops?”

           
Teguina’s eyes widened in surprise
when Mikaso mentioned using Chinese troops in his operation; then he realized
his mistake in registering such a surprise. Mikaso had suspected all
along—whether or not he got the information first hand or simply guessed, it
was obvious he knew now.

           
“The traitors put up a brief battle,
but, as all cowards will, they turned and ran when confronted by legitimate
forces,” Teguina replied. “The Chinese troops supplied transportation to Puerto
Princesa, that’s all, and they were forced to protect themselves as well as
graciously protecting the provincial police units as well. We thanked God the
rebels did not drop another nuclear bomb on us.”

           
“I have a simple question, Mr. Vice
President,” Mikaso said, a gleam of humor now shining in his eyes and a hint of
a smile tugging at the comers of his lips. “Do you honestly expect the
Philippine people to believe this fairy tale? That the Chinese were victims of
Filipino aggression ... the Chinese graciously offered the
use
of their warships ... the Chinese
only
protected themselves when you overran Puerto Princesa? Do you
honestly expect the world to believe that the Chinese suddenly became our
staunch ally simply to fight off the evil, corrupt New Armed Force troops and
install your own Communist puppet into power?”

           
“They will believe it, Mikaso,”
Teguina said slowly, “because . . . you will tell them.”

           
“Me? You expect me to betray my
country, my homeland, just because of your threats and a Chinese rifle pointed
at my head? Certainly you are joking,” Mikaso scoffed.

           
“This is the end of the American
puppet regime in the
Philippines
, Mikaso ...”

           
“No, it is not. I know you, Daniel.
I am not the tottering old fool, the white-haired, senile figurehead you always
believed I was. I chose you to become my vice president because your flowery
speeches and socialist ranting and raving has awakened the political fire in a
lot of people that never cared much for national politics.”

           
“You would not have been elected if
it were not for me!” Teguina snarled.

           
“That’s right, Daniel, that’s
right,” Mikaso admitted. “And you will not succeed without
me.
I understand the importance of a coalition government, and I
understand that there are factions in this country that desire change. I was
willing to accept the opposition party in order to carry our nation forward
into the future after the departure of the Americans. You can do the same. If
you want change,

           
Teguina, then have your National
Democratic Front form its own coalition and defeat UNIDO. Have your party enact
laws to give more funds to the people and less toward defense, if that’s what
you propose. You are the Vice President. You carry considerable political
power, more than your confused brain realizes.

           
“But ... if you enlist outsiders’
help to overthrow the legitimate government and close down the parliament,
people all over the world will fear you, and your own people will condemn you.
And if you continue to rob the treasury, install yourself in luxury in the
presidential palace, and turn our nation into a battleground, you will
eventually feel defeat. There is always someone around the comer with a bigger
gun and a bigger army—”

           
Teguina reached over, grabbed Mikaso
by the lapels of his jacket, and said in a low, burning voice, “I don’t want
your prostituted government anymore, old man.” He then pushed the President
back into his seat and yelled, “Admiral! Enter!”

           
Mikaso stared as a contingent of
about fifty Chinese troops rushed into his office. Several Presidential Guard
soldiers were led in, some carrying the dead bodies of other policemen or
soldiers.

           
Behind them all was a Chinese naval
officer, about sixty years old, in white uniform slacks, dark helmet, a
dark-blue jacket that appeared thick enough to be a bulletproof vest, and a
sidearm. Beside the military officer, to Mikaso’s complete surprise, was the
ambassador from the People’s Republic of
China
, Dong Sen Kim, who averted his eyes and
would not look at Mikaso directly. Along with the Chinese troops came several
of Mikaso’s Cabinet officials, most of whom were National Democratic Front
members—but they also included Eduardo Friscino, the Minister of Interior.

           
“This is the new governor of the
People’s Republic of the
Sulu
Islands
, Eduardo Friscino,” Teguina said to Mikaso.
“He has seen your frail attempts to restore American dictatorship to the
Philippines
and has agreed to join with me to form a
better nation, separate but equal, different yet fused together for the good of
all.”

           
Mikaso stared in disbelief at
Friscino. “Eduardo—”

           
Eduardo looked like a whipped dog.
Standing in front of all those armed soldiers, he already seemed on the verge
of collapse; now, under Mikaso’s incredulous glare, he seemed to practically
wilt into the floorboards, but said nothing.

           
“Because of the political and
cultural separation that exists between the southern islands and the northern
island,” Teguina continued, “I have decided to create a new state, a federation
of provinces that will be independent yet closely allied to the north.
Luzon
and the Sibuyan islands will be known as
the Democratic Federation of Aguinaldo. It will be under my control, protected
by loyal military forces as well as New People’s Army groups formed into
provincial militias.

           
“
Palawan
,
Mindanao
,
and the Sulu Archipelago will be known collectively as the People’s Federation
of the
Sulu
Islands
,” Teguina went on. “Once joined officially,
Aguinaldo and the Sulu Federation will once again become the Democratic
Republic of Aguinaldo.”

           
“Daniel, you cannot do this,” Mikaso
said earnestly. “
Samar
and
Mindanao
will not join your revolution—they will
fight your annexation, resist your attempt to overthrow them, and split
themselves off from the rest of the
Philippines
altogether—”

           
. “Yes. Vice President Samar is
proving to be difficult,” Teguina admitted. Jose Trujillo Samar, Second Vice
President of the
Philippines
, was the governor of the state of
Mindanao
. “But once the city of
Davao
falls,
Mindanao
will be ours as well.”

           
Mikaso sat back in the chair behind
his desk, trying to absorb everything Teguina was saying. This was insane.
Teguina had taken the nuclear detonation and allowed the
Philippines
to be raped by it. His entire country—the
nation he loved and served—was evaporating before his eyes. Even its very form
of government. He had to stop this, had to buy himself some time . . .

           
. . . had to stop Teguina.

           
But he needed time. Moments, if
nothing else.

           
“Daniel,” Mikaso said, “what about
these Chinese troops here? How do they fit into your master plan?”

           
“Glad you asked, Mikaso,” Teguina
said smugly. He motioned to the officer in the helmet and blue bulletproof
jacket. “This is Admiral Yin Po L’un, commander of the
Spratly
Island
flotilla, the fleet that your traitorous
soldiers bombed and strafed three nights ago. As a fellow Communist, he has
agreed—with the full support of the People’s Republic of China, communicated to
us from Beijing by Ambassador Dong—to assist in establishing my new regime. In
exchange I have granted the Chinese Navy complete ownership of illegitimate
Philippine holdings in the
Spratly
Islands
. I have also authorized them access to our
ports on
Palawan
and, once the rebel military forces have
been eliminated, the naval base at Zamboanga and the airfields at
Cebu
and
Davao
. They will also have access to the former
American military bases at
Subic Bay
and Angeles ...”

           
“You’re giving the Chinese
four
military bases?” Mikaso gasped
incredulously. “You’re insane, Teguina! The people will never allow it—the
world
will never allow such a
domination!”

           
“It is already being done, Mikaso,”
Teguina said.

           
“Not if I can help it,” Mikaso said,
reaching into his desk drawer to pull out a pistol he’d kept there for years.

           
But it was too late.

           
Several Type 56 automatic rifles,
variants of the Soviet AK-47 assault rifle, swung in his direction and someone
fired. Mikaso jerked from the impact of the shot and slumped over the desk
before finally collapsing on the floor.

           
Teguina stood staring at the
assassinated President, his mouth slightly agape. He had never meant to kill
Mikaso, simply arrest him and have him confined. He continued to stare at the
body and realized his breathing was labored. He felt a tap on the shoulder.

           
“Comrade President...” Admiral Yin
said, a slight smile on his face.

           
Teguina had never heard those words
before. The reality was dawning on him. Within a few seconds he had become the
new President of the Republic of the
Philippines
—no, the President of the New Democratic
Federation of Aguinaldo. He liked the sound of that—President of the Democratic
Federation of Aguinaldo. It was a name that recalled the glory days, the days
of fervent revolutionaries like Emilio Aguinaldo, a peasant farmer who rose to
become the leader of a nation over two world superpowers,
Spain
and the
United States
. No matter that Aguinaldo was finally
captured by General Funston, capitulated, and swore allegiance to
America
—it was his indomitable spirit that
survived. It would become the rallying cry for a new nation. The
Republic
of
Aguinaldo
. The name sounded perfect.