Read Carnal Isræl: Reading Sex in Talmudic Culture Online

Authors: Daniel Boyarin

Tags: #Religion, #Judaism, #General

Carnal Isræl: Reading Sex in Talmudic Culture (71 page)

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ally did it even truly imagine an alternative, but it did suggest internal sub-versions.
17
I am not arguing that there is no problem for us with talmudic gender practice, because there was a Beruria, and therefore we see that women could study Torah, or because we can show that an aggadic passage stood in opposition to a practice that we find disturbing, or that a single voice in the Talmud recognized women's parity with men in the expression of sexual desire. Undoubtedly, women did not often study Torah in the talmudic period, a situation that manifests a set of role definitions reinforcing gender asymmetry and hierarchy. Many husbands then, and even more later, did indeed leave their wives for years on end to pursue intellectual and religious aims, and women were trained to be modest and silent about their sexuality. The exceptions, as it were, only prove the rule. But, and this is the crux of my argument, on the margins of that dominant and hegemonic discourse, there was something else happening. There were some women who were breaking the mold, and also some men who were uncomfortable, who even opposed the dominant ideology. Those perhaps marginal men and women can become for us prototypes in a reformation of traditional Jewish gender practices that nevertheless finds itself rooted firmly in the talmudic text and tradition. Once more, the dominant hegemony seeks to strike such cracks and fissures, to erase the sub-versions from the cultural record, but it is unsuccessful, leaving us a place to creep back into.
18
I would suggest that the same is true of any ancient culture that is powerfully formative of our own.
Reading texts as only misogynistic thus can in itself be a misogynistic gesture; conversely, seeking to recover "feminist," that is resistant or even oppositional, voices in ancient texts can be an act of appropriation of those ancient texts for political change. This does not imply in any way a denial of the patriarchy (if not misogyny) of the hegemonic practices of the culture. The texts when read in the way that I am proposing to read them do not only reflect a dissident proto-feminist voice within Classical Judaism; they constitute and institute such a voice. This is manifestly the case with reference to the Talmud, which is regarded as an authoritative source for social practice by many Jewish collectives up to this day.
Women in rabbinic culture are imagined as enablers of men, providing for their sexual and procreative needs, as I concluded in Chapter 3.
17. I owe this brilliant coinage to Chana Kronfeld.
18. The wonderful image of cultural change as a "creeping back" into history is Mieke Bal's.
 
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Abomination of women, fear of sexuality and of the body, on the other hand, are only minor themes in this cultural formation, when they are studied in their textual and cultural contexts. Their promotion to a central and major role is an artifact of later readings of the culture that suppress the rabbinic dissensus, as I have also argued. If the sexuality of women, however, is not represented in general as fearful or abominable by the texts of the men of rabbinic culture, neither are women empowered by that culture. The cultural reward of this analysis is not, then, in the discovery or recovery of a golden age in the past, still less in the awarding of relative values to different forms of late-antique culture. Indeed, I would claim that all such attempts are both doomed to failure and inevitably triumphalistic in effect, whether they are attempts to find feminist Paradise in paganism before the coming of the Jews, in Jesus or in Paul vis-à-vis the Jews (see von Kellenbach 1990 for extensive documentation), or in Jewish culture in comparison to Christian. Nonetheless, even if we have not succeeded in discovering cultural formations in the past that did empower women equally with men, the very fact that we can show that the different androcentric formations functioned in entirely different fashions at different times and places provides a kind of demystifying historicization, showing that each was contingent and specific and that all are equally unsettled from the position of trans-historical natural status. If my argument is persuasive that rabbinic Jewish culture did not base its gender asymmetry on an instinctive, atavistic fear of women's bodies or sexuality, then we must look
in general
somewhere else for the origins of androcentrism in all and any cultures.
19
This suggests at least to me that the question of the near universality of gender asymmetry in culture will need to be answered by materialist and historical models and not grounded in universal trans-historical structures in the human psyche. The historicist project, I believe, holds out much more hope for change.
By material conditions, I mean here the conditions of human reproduction and child-rearing within hunter-gatherer and later agrarian societies. Certain psychoanalytic discourses have tended to naturalize misogyny by locating its sources in an eternal psychic drama of infancy. What I am suggesting, then, is that by disabling that (perhaps obsolete
19. Note that this does not preclude the possibility that within a given cultural formation, or even within many such formations, men are socialized into a fearful attitude toward the female body; my argument is only that such fear is culturally specific and not species-bound.
 
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even among psychoanalytic theorists) approach to male dominance, one that derives it from a primitive and universal male fear of the female body, we denaturalize male domination and come to understand it as a historically derived condition, a condition that could change in history as well (Bloch 1991a, 1). Our very psyches are formed in historical, socio-cultural conditions through the discursive practices in which we are socialized (including ideationideas are thus material facts as well).
20
We take as natural and universal certain psychic inclinations, which can be shown to be culture-specific.
21
Psychoanalysis may have produced, indeed seems to have produced, an account of the formation of the psyche in our culture; its claims to transcultural adequacy, however, are not ineluctable.
22
Although in this book I have not made any case or argument for the specific material determinants of male dominance in ancient Judaism, I believe that I have shown that the sort of psychoanalytic explanation that locates male dominance systems in allegedly universal fears of female power going back to earliest childhood are invalid for this cultureand thus for all, because such theories only derive their explanatory power from the very claim to universal applicability. Other cross-cultural studies also support this questioning of the location of male
20. This sentence was inspired by remarks made by Carol Delaney at Stanford University, when I presented this text to a cultural studies colloquium there. Of course, she is not responsible for the actual form that her inspiration took here.
21. Camille Paglia's work (1990) is an excellent example of how this error is perpetuated in a context that is not explicitly psychoanalytic; she insists on generalizing that which is found in our Western (broadly understood) cultural formation to all of humanity by assuming that it is an essential, psychic reality.
22. I have been properly chastized (as the book goes to press) by Ruth Stein, who writes in a letter of November 25, 1991:
I agree that the claim that cultural and historical phenomena can be explained wholly or even mostly by psychoanalytic tools is foolish. Nevertheless, I find that in such areas as literary theory, cultural theory, etc. one very often talks of psychoanalysis in a very loose, undiscerning, and not updated way, and whenever I read such general(izing) statements about psychoanalysis, I automatically hear myself asking "
which
psychoanalysis?"
Stein is undoubtedly correct. I am
not
attempting here to discredit psychoanalysis, a practice that has benefited me beyond description, but only to challenge a certain model of explanation for male domination once very current in psychoanalytic circles and still, I think unfortunately, alive, to wit, that men universally fear, reject, loathe women's bodies because of the experiences of early childhood. I am convinced that such loathing is not a psychic universal but a cultural production, and to the extent that psychoanalytic thinkers no longer hold such views, my descriptive terms need modifying.
 
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