Crisis and Command: A History of Executive Power from George Washington to George W. Bush (70 page)

Read Crisis and Command: A History of Executive Power from George Washington to George W. Bush Online

Authors: John Yoo

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114
Dallek, supra note 74, at 245.
115
Quoted in Kenneth S. Davis, FDR: Into the Storm 1937-40, at 611 (1993).
116
Edwin Borchard, The Attorney General's Opinion on the Exchange of Destroyers for Naval Bases, 34 Am J Int'l L 690, 691 (1940).
117
Edward S. Corwin, Executive Authority Held Exceeded in Destroyer Deal, N.Y. Times, Oct. 13, 1940.
118
Davis, supra note 115, at 608.
119
Ibid. at 603-04.
120
Quoted in Ibid. at 614.
121
Campaign Address at Boston, Massachusetts, Oct. 30, 1940, in FDR Papers 1940, supra note 104, at 514, 517.
122
Hearden, supra note 74, at 192.
123
Kenneth S. Davis, FDR: The War President, 1940-43, at 63 (2000).
124
Ibid. at 65.
125
The Seven Hundred and Second Press Conference, Dec. 17, 1940, in FDR Papers 1940, supra note 104, at 604, 607-08.
126
Fireside Chat on National Security, Dec. 29, 1940, in Ibid. at 633.
127
Dallek, supra note 74, at 257.
128
55 Stat. 31 (1941). For the lengthy congressional discussions, see Davis, supra note 123, at 92-136.
129
Fellmeth, supra note 98, at 485-86.
130
Radio Address Announcing the Proclamation of an Unlimited National Emergency, May 27, 1941, in The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt 1941, at 181, 189 (1950).
131
Dallek, supra note 74, at 275-77.
132
Fellmeth, supra note 98, at 466-67.
133
Trachtenberg, supra note 76, at 80-139.
134
Colin S. Gray, The Implications of Preemptive and Preventive War Doctrines: A Reconsideration 23 (2007), available at
www.strategicstudiesinstitute.army.mil/pubs/display.cfm?pudID=789
. See also Hew Strachan, Preemption and Prevention in Historical Perspective, in Preemption: Military Action and Moral Justification 23 (Henry Shue & David Rodin eds., 2007).
135
The Atlantic Charter, in FDR Papers 1941, supra note 130, at 314.
136
Dallek, supra note 74, at 285.
137
Fireside Chat to the Nation, Sept. 11, 1941, in FDR Papers 1941, supra note 130, at 384, 390.
138
Dallek, supra note 74, at 289.
139
Navy and Total Defense Day Address, Oct. 27, 1941, in Ibid. at 438, 439.
140
Dallek, supra note 74, at 300.
141
Ibid. at 304.
142
Ibid. at 307.
143
For a critical review of the history, compare John Yoo, War by Other Means: An Insider's Account of the War on Terror 204-230 (2006) with Louis Fisher, Military Tribunals & Presidential Power: American Revolution to the War on Terrorism (2005).
144
See David Danelski, The Saboteurs' Case, 1 Journal of Supreme Court History 61, 61-65 (1996).
145
Ibid. at 65-66.
146
Ibid. at 66-67.
147
7 Fed. Reg. 5101 (1942); see also Fisher, supra note 143, at 98-99.
148
7 Fed. Reg. 5103 (1942); see also Fisher, supra note 143, at 99-100.
149
Ex Parte Milligan, 71 U.S. 2, 121-22 (1866).
150
Danelski, supra note 144, at 68-69.
151
Ibid. at 69.
152
See Peter Irons, Justice at War: The History of the Japanese American Internment Cases 19 (1983).
153
7 Fed. Reg. 1407.
154
Greg Robinson, By Order of the President: FDR and the Internment of the Japanese Americans (2003).
155
See, e.g., Irons, supra note 152; Robinson, supra note 154; and Erik Yamamoto et al., Race, Rights & Reparation: Law and the Japanese American Internment (2001).
156
Robinson, supra note 154, at 95.
157
Ibid. at 104.
158
Davis, supra note 123, at 424.
159
Robinson, supra note 154, at 118.
160
Act of Mar. 21, 1942, ch. 191, Pub. L. No. 77-503, 56 Stat. 173.
161
Korematsu v. United States, 323 U.S. 214 (1944).
162
Ibid. at 217-18.
163
Ibid. at 218 (quoting Hirabayashi v. United States, 320 U.S. 81 (1943)).
164
Ibid. at 223-24.
165
Ibid. at 226 (Roberts, J., dissenting).
166
Ibid. at 234 (Murphy, J., dissenting).
167
Ibid. at 235-36 (Murphy, J., dissenting).
168
Ibid. at 244 (Jackson, J., dissenting).
169
Ex Parte Endo, 323 U.S. 283 (1944); see Brief for the United States, Korematsu (No. 22), reprinted in 42 Landmark Briefs and Arguments of the Supreme Court of the United States: Constitutional Law 197 (Philip B. Kurland & Gerhard Casper eds., 1975); and Robinson, supra note 154, at 210.
170
Act of July 6, 1798, ch. 66, SS1, 1 Stat. 577 (codified at 50 U.S.C. SS 21). After the war, the Supreme Court upheld the use of the Alien Enemies Act during World War II in the case of a German national detained in the United States. See Ludecke v. Watkins, 335 U.S. 160 (1948).
171
Christopher Andrew, For the President's Eyes Only, at 6-9, 76 (1995).
172
Ibid. at 88, 94.
173
Ibid. at 92.
174
Reprinted in Appendix A, United States v. United States District Court, 444 F.2d 651, 669-70 (6th Cir. 1971) (hereinafter "Roosevelt 1940 Memorandum").
175
Olmstead v. United States, 277 U.S. 438 (1928).
176
389 U.S. 347 (1967).
177
United States v. Nardone, 302 U.S. 379 (1937).
178
United States v. Nardone, 308 U.S. 338 (1939).
179
Robert H. Jackson, That Man: An Insider's Portrait of Franklin D. Roosevelt 68-69 (2003).
180
Roosevelt 1940 Memorandum, supra note 174.

CHAPTER 8: THE COLD WAR PRESIDENTS

1
5 Historical Statistics of the United States, Millennial Edition Online 5-353-36 (Susan Carter et al. eds., 2006).
2
John Lewis Gaddis, Surprise, Security, and the American Experience (2004); and Walter McDougall, Promised Land, Crusader State: The American Encounter with the World Since 1776 (1998).
3
The classic analysis of containment along these lines is John Lewis Gaddis, Strategies of Containment: A Critical Appraisal of Postwar American National Security Policy (1982) (hereinafter "Gaddis, Strategies").
4
Ibid. at 127-97.
5
Marc Trachtenberg, A Constructed Peace: The Making of the European Settlement 1945-1963, at 15-41 (1999).
6
See Michael Hogan, A Cross of Iron: Harry S. Truman and the Origins of the National Security State, 1945-9154 (1998); and Melvyn Leffler, A Preponderance of Power: National Security, the Truman Administration, and the Cold War (1993).
7
Gaddis, Strategies, supra note 3, at 89-109.
8
Historical Statistics, Millennial Edition, supra note 1, at 5-350 (Korean War statistics).
9
Dean Acheson, Present at the Creation: My Years in the State Department 415 (1969).
10
David McCullough, Truman 780 (1992). The events of the decision to go to war in Korea are usefully reviewed in Robert Turner, Truman, Korea, and the Constitution: Debunking the "Imperial President" Myth, 19 Harv. J. L. & Pub. Pol'y 533 (1996). For a differing account, see Louis Fisher, Presidential War Power 70-91 (1995).
11
Fisher, supra note 10, at 89-90.
12
McCullough, supra note 10, at 814-855 (firing of MacArthur), 855 (Truman quote).
13
Ibid. at 630-31, 734-35; Trachtenberg, supra note 5, at 78-91.
14
Arthur Schlesinger, The Imperial Presidency 135-36 (1973); Trachtenberg, supra note 5, at 85-125, 156 (figures on spending); and 5 Historical Statistics, supra note 1, at 5-367.
15
Schlesinger, supra note 14, at 136-38.
16
Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer, 343 U.S. 579, 587 (1952).
17
Ibid. at 634-39 (Jackson, J., concurring).
18
Louis Henkin, Foreign Affairs and the U.S. Constitution (1996); Harold Hongju Koh, The National Security Constitution: Sharing Power after the Iran-Contra Affair (1990); and Michael J. Glennon, Constitutional Diplomacy (1990).
19
Youngstown, 343 U.S. at 645 (Jackson, J., concurring). For useful discussion, see Jesse Choper, Judicial Review and the National Political Process: A Functional Reconsideration of the Role of the Supreme Court 315-25 (1980).
20
See 2 Stephen E. Ambrose, Eisenhower: The President 51 (1984); See also Burton I. Kaufman, The Korean War: Challenges in Crisis, Credibility, and Command 305 (1986).
21
Ibid. at 52.
22
Stephen Ambrose, Rise to Globalism: American Foreign Policy Since 1938, at 132-33 (6 th ed. 1991).
23
Gaddis, Strategies, supra note 3, at 127-50.
24
Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, Dwight D. Eisenhower 1955, at 209.
25
2 Ambrose, Eisenhower, supra note 20, at 232-33.
26
2 Ibid. at 239-45.
27
Quoted in Fisher, supra note 10, at 107-08.
28
H.J. Res. 117, 85th Cong. (1957).
29
Fred Greenstein, The Hidden-Hand Presidency: Eisenhower as Leader (1982).
30
On Kennedy's handling of these crises, see Lawrence Freedman, Kennedy's Wars: Berlin, Cuba, Laos, and Vietnam (2000); on the Kennedy administration's version of containment, see Gaddis, Strategies, supra note 3, at 198-236.
31
See John Yoo, Using Force, 71 University of Chicago Law Review (2004).
32
The events of the Cuban Missile Crisis have been exhaustively detailed in numerous books. See, e.g., Graham Allison & Philip Zelikow, Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis (2d ed., 1999).
33
See, e.g., John Hart Ely, War and Responsibility: Constitutional Lessons of Vietnam and Its Aftermath 4 (1995).
34
The constitutional and legal issues on Vietnam are discussed in Ibid. at 12-46, 68-104.
35
Ibid. at 27-28. George Herring, America's Longest War: The United States and Vietnam, 1950-1975, at 135, 174-75, 243-44 (1985).
36
William H. Rehnquist, The Constitutional Issues -- Administration Position, 45 New York University Law Review 628 (1970); and Herring, supra note 35, at 252-54.
37
See War Powers Resolution, Pub. L. No. 93-148, 87 Stat. 555 (codified at 50 U.S.C. SSSS 1541-48). Presidents Ford and Carter never expressly recognized the resolution's binding force, and President Reagan refused to comply with the resolution when he ordered the use of force in Lebanon, Grenada, Libya, and the Persian Gulf. President George H. W. Bush sent messages notifying Congress of military interventions in Panama and the Persian Gulf that were "consistent with" the WPR, but that did not obey it. During the Gulf War, President Bush dispatched troops to the Middle East for well longer than permitted by the WPR's 60-day clock. President Bush sent troops to Saudi Arabia within days of the August 2, 1990, Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, and engaged in a buildup that reached more than 430,000 troops by November 8, but did not receive a congressional resolution of support until January 12, 1991, more than five months after the first American deployment. American troops invaded Kuwait and Iraq shortly thereafter. Even as he asked for a congressional sign of support, President Bush argued that he already had the constitutional authority as President and Commander-in-Chief to implement UN Security Council Resolution 678, which asked member states to use "all necessary means" to force Iraqi troops out of Kuwait. When he signed Congress's joint resolution supporting the use of force to implement UN Resolution 678, H.R.J. Res. 77, 102d Cong., 1st Sess. (1991), Bush declared that "my signing this resolution does not constitute any change in the long-standing positions of the executive branch on either the President's constitutional authority to use the Armed Forces to defend vital U.S. interests or the constitutionality of the War Powers Resolution." Statement on Signing the Resolution Authorizing the Use of Military Force against Iraq, 27 Weekly Comp. Pres. Doc. 48 (Jan. 14, 1991). President Clinton followed this example in Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia, and Kosovo. John C. Yoo, Kosovo, War Powers, and the Multilateral Future, 148 University of Pennsylvania Law Review 1673, 1681 (2000); William Michael Treanor, "The War Powers Outside the Courts," 81 Ind. L.J. 1333 (2005) (former Clinton deputy assistant attorney general discussing Clinton OLC positions). For a view supporting the constitutionality of the War Powers Resolution, see John Hart Ely, War and Responsibility: Constitutional Lessons of Vietnam and Its Aftermath (1995); and Louis Fisher, Presidential War Power (2004).

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