Emperor of Japan: Meiji and His World, 1852’1912 (106 page)

The emperor had reached the same conclusion as It
ō
—no matter how many times debates might be suspended, there was unlikely to be any change of attitude. Not long afterward he confided to Sasaki Takayuki that he felt such collisions between the government and the House of Representatives were caused by the excessive haste with which the Diet had been established.
³²
From this point on, the emperor’s political views seem to have become more conservative. He had begun to think that the granting of the constitution and establishment of the Diet, in which he had taken pride, had been premature.

Chapter 44

On New Year’s Day 1894, worship of the four directions and other prescribed ceremonies were again performed not by the emperor but by a surrogate. The emperor’s failure to perform these ceremonies probably did not surprise anyone. In recent years he had often declined to appear, sometimes alleging indisposition, sometimes without explanation. People seem to have forgotten that for centuries the performance of such rites was an emperor’s chief duty.

The most memorable feature of the day for those in the palace was probably the visit of the crown prince to congratulate the emperor on the arrival of the new year. Visits by the prince to the emperor became more frequent this year—several times each month—suggesting that their relations, previously governed by court decorum rather than by ties of affection, had become closer. Of course, the emperor had worried each time the crown prince was stricken with illness, but his chief concern was probably for the succession to the throne rather than for the life of this particular son. All his other male offspring had died in infancy, and it seemed increasingly likely that Yoshihito, despite his delicate health, would be his successor. The emperor probably had many occasions to regret that his son was not as healthy and energetic as he had been at the same age.

All the same, it was necessary to prepare the prince for his future position. The emperor was determined that his son receive a proper education. As we have seen, he early decided that the prince would attend Gakush
ū
-in along with other boys instead of receiving the private tuition that had been normal for members of the imperial family. The prince was an indifferent student, but his lack of scholarly aptitude did not result in the termination of his studies. It was essential to Meiji that the next emperor of Japan be acquainted not only with Japanese and Chinese history and culture but with the West. The prince would also have to write an acceptable hand and compose poetry in the traditional manner.
¹
But although much consideration was given to planning the prince’s education, his health always took precedence, and his studies were frequently interrupted by illness or by the decision of physicians that T
ō
ky
ō
was too hot or too cold for the prince to remain in school.

The prince seems to have been intimidated by a father who never showed him parental tenderness. Meiji’s coldness was not unusual: he treated his son in the manner customary in orthodox Confucian fathers. Perhaps he modeled his behavior on remembrances of Emperor K
ō
mei’s severity toward himself; but he did not follow K
ō
mei in giving his son daily guidance in composing
tanka
. The emperor seems to have contributed little to the education of his heir.

The increased frequency of Yoshihito’s visits to the palace in 1894 suggests that the natural affection of father and son had at last taken hold. Toward the end of the year there was proof. On November 17, 1894, Yoshihito arrived in Hiroshima intending to visit his father (who had moved there during the Sino-Japanese War). The prince appeared at headquarters at ten-thirty the next morning and, after chatting briefly with his father, went with him to inspect a Manchurian horse. They later climbed together to the castle tower, from where they enjoyed a splendid view of the entire city of Hiroshima. A palace attendant, serving as their guide, explained the sights with the aid of a telescope and maps. The emperor and his son ate lunch together. Members of the emperor’s staff, who had long wondered whether the emperor had any affection for his son, were so delighted to see his kindness this day that they decided to inform the empress. But this rare intimacy did not keep the emperor from his duties; he was able to find time for lunch with Yoshihito only twice more before the prince left for T
ō
ky
ō
on November 24.
²

Although the crown prince actually spent little time in his father’s presence, from 1887 he was frequently portrayed along with the emperor and empress in
nishikie
, the cheaply produced, often gaudy, prints popular at the time. Sometimes the prints depict the prince standing between his parents, as if to emphasize the domestic harmony within the imperial family.
³
Another glimpse of their family life was provided in 1894 by the public celebrations of the twenty-fifth wedding anniversary of the emperor and empress. The wedding anniversaries of Japanese sovereigns had never before been a matter for public rejoicing, but when the emperor was informed that it was customary in foreign countries for royalty to celebrate “silver weddings,” he gladly gave his consent to the proposed celebrations. To make sure they maintained the proper tone, a committee was formed to investigate foreign examples. It was announced that the celebration would take place on March 9.

In honor of the occasion, gold and silver medals were struck, suitably engraved with auspicious designs such as the imperial chrysanthemum and paired cranes.
⁴
Permission was granted to those who purchased the medals to wear them for the rest of their lives and then pass them on to their descendants. On March 9, 15 million postage stamps were issued in honor of the occasion, the first Japanese commemorative stamps.

The day of the celebration opened with observances in the palace sanctuary. Neither the emperor nor the empress took part in these ceremonies, but the crown prince, princes of the blood, and members of the cabinet joined in worship. Royal salutes were fired by the Household Guards artillery regiment and by ships at sea. At eleven that morning the emperor and empress appeared in the Phoenix Room, where they were joined by more than 200 members of the nobility, the cabinet, and their wives. The emperor wore his formal uniform and all his decorations. The empress wore a white gown, decorations, and a crown. The train of her gown was decorated with designs of flowers and birds worked in silver thread. Later, messages from their governments were delivered by the ministers of France, England, Germany, Russia, the United States, Belgium, Korea, and Austria, to each of which the emperor responded graciously.

At two that afternoon the emperor and empress, riding in the same carriage, traveled to the Aoyama parade grounds to review the troops. Outside the main palace gate, students from T
ō
ky
ō
Imperial University formed ranks along with members of other organizations to acclaim the royal couple as they emerged from the palace. The streets were lined with crowds of people eager to catch a glimpse of their Majesties. About 2:45 they reached their destination, where they were welcomed by Prince Akihito and high-ranking officers. The different units presented arms, and a military band played the national anthem. After receiving the guests, who included both Japanese and foreign dignitaries, the emperor and empress again boarded their carriage and, with the hood removed, rode around the grounds, receiving the acclamation of the crowd. After this they reviewed the troops.

The celebration continued all day, concluding with performances of
bugaku
and a banquet. Although the words “silver wedding” were not officially used,
⁵
the presents given to the guests or offered to the imperial couple were mainly of silver. Persons who were not lucky enough to be invited to the festivities were permitted to offer gifts. These, however, tended not to be of silver but included poems, saké, sh
ō
yu, dried cuttlefish, swords, paintings, ceramics, lacquerware, bonsai, and so on. Twenty-five men and twenty-five women (the number chosen because of the twenty-fifth anniversary), including members of the nobility, cabinet ministers, and participants in the regular palace poetry gatherings, offered poems on the theme “Song-thrush in the Blossoms Promise Ten Thousand Springs!” The exhausted emperor and empress did not get to bed until 1:45 in the morning.
⁶

The festive mood of the silver wedding ceremonies had hardly dissipated when word was received that on March 28, the Korean politician Kim Ok-kyun (1851–1894) had been murdered at a Japanese inn in Shanghai. The murderer, who had accompanied Kim from Japan, had acted under orders from the conservative leaders of Korea who hated Kim because he belonged to the progressive faction.

Kim had lived in Japan before the failed coup of 1884. Soon after his first visit in 1881, he became friendly with Fukuzawa Yukichi, who strongly favored the “enlightenment” faction in Korea and believed that Japan must take the lead in enabling both Koreans and Chinese to modernize their countries.
⁷
But in 1885, after it had become clear that the “enlightenment” faction was unable to keep control of the Korean government, Fukuzawa published his famous article “Datsua ron” (On Escaping from Asia) in which he asserted that Japan could not wait for neighboring countries in Asia to achieve enlightenment, that it was imperative that Japan share the future of the advanced countries of the West.

Kim fled to Japan in December 1884 along with eight other Koreans who believed that their country should follow the Japanese example of modernization. These Koreans took Japanese names and wore Western dress in the attempt to ingratiate themselves with the Japanese leaders.
⁸
They probably expected to be well treated by the Japanese government, but they received only minimal protection. In February 1885 the Korean government sent a mission to Japan requesting the Japanese to turn over Kim to them. When the Japanese refused, assassins were sent to Japan, provided with orders signed by King Kojong to kill Kim and his associate, Pak Yong-hyo.
⁹
Kim, learning of the plot, informed the prime minister, It
ō
Hirobumi, and the foreign minister, Inoue Kaoru. Inoue sent a message to the Korean government asking that the assassins be recalled, promising in return to expel Kim from Japan.

Kim was staying at the time at the Grand Hotel in Yokohama. Inoue ordered the governor of Kanagawa Prefecture to remove Kim forcibly from the hotel, then under consular jurisdiction, and detained him under arrest in a villa belonging to the Mitsui family. In June 1886 the minister of the interior, Yamagata Arinori, ordered the governor to expel Kim from the country within fifteen days on the grounds that he was a menace to Japanese security and an obstacle to peace with foreign countries.
¹⁰
The Japanese officials regarded Kim as a nuisance, despite his pro-Japanese views, and feared that his presence might provoke a war before Japan was ready for one.
¹¹
In the end, Kim was sent not to a foreign country but to a remote island, Chichijima in the Bonin Islands, where for two years he led the lonely life of an exile. The climate was deleterious to his health, and he was therefore sent under escort from the hot climate of the Bonins to the northerly cold of Hokkaid
ō
, where he remained until permitted to return to T
ō
ky
ō
in 1890.
¹²
He survived his years of exile with the help of gifts of money from numerous Japanese sympathizers.

In March 1894, having given up hope of assistance from the Japanese government in bringing enlightenment to Korea, Kim left for Shanghai. His purpose was to meet Li Hung-chang. Kim had become friendly with Li Ching-fang (the son of Li Hung-chang), who was then the Chinese minister to Japan, and continued to correspond with him after Ching-fang’s return to China. Kim hoped that Ching-fang would enable him to meet his father, the most powerful man in China. He hoped especially to put before this senior statesman his plan for cooperation among the three nations of East Asia to prevent further aggression by the Western powers.
¹³
Kim was warned of the danger in making this journey,
¹⁴
but he was sure it would be worth taking the risk if there was a chance of having even five minutes with Li Hung-chang.
¹⁵

Funds for the journey (and for paying the debts Kim had incurred while in Japan) were provided by Yi Il-sik, a Korean resident of
Ō
saka. Yi also gave Kim a bill of exchange to cover his expenses while in China but informed him that in order to cash the bill, he would have to be accompanied by Hong Chong-u, a Korean who had until recently been studying in France.
¹⁶
The party included Kim’s Japanese friend Wada Enjir
ō
.