Male Sex Work and Society (24 page)
Read Male Sex Work and Society Online
Authors: Unknown
Tags: #Psychology/Human Sexuality, #Social Science/Gay Studies, #SOC012000, #PSY016000
Endnotes
1
BDSM is a variety of erotic practice involving dominance and submission, role-playing, restraint, and other interpersonal dynamics.
Trevon Logan’s analysis reveals a hierarchy of sexual preferences among clients, many of which have a high market value. What we find unique about his analysis is that it demonstrates that certain types of male bodies and sexual practices are objectified and commodified, which is evident in the market values different body types are accorded. This is not unlike what feminist commentators have observed with regard to the female body. Logan demonstrates how sexuality, race, and ethnicity are socially constructed, often symbiotically, and that cultural imperatives play an important role in determining what is and is not attractive to men. There is a market order among male escorts that is reflected in their physical and social characteristics, such as race and ethnicity, which influences sexual exchanges. Race is significant in the way we conceptualize masculinity and the male body, and can be an important indicator of sexual prowess. Blacks, for example, are likely to be perceived as aggressive and dominant sexual partners, whereas Asians are presented as passive. Research on how accurate these perceptions are is still ongoing
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Race-based stereotypes tend to segregate sexual networks, and in so doing may create risk groups that are centered not so much on behavior as on racial categories. Regretfully, targets of stereotyping also may be more likely to engage in risky sex. Logan concludes that technological change has altered the structure and organization of the male sex industry and expanded the market for male sex workers into suburban and rural spaces. These changes have substantially increased the number of male escorts, created new markets for sex work encounters, and extended the reach of male sex work to a much wider potential clientele
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| Economic Analyses of Male Sex Work | |
TREVON D. LOGAN |
Prostitution as a form of exchange (Simmel, 1971) or a location where cultural values and market logics intersect (Zelizer, 1994) has long interested social scientists, but male sex work remains underresearched (Bimbi, 2007; Pruitt, 2005; Weitzer, 2009). In general, male sex workers (MSWs) are difficult to conceptualize in current economic, social, and gender theories of prostitution because all participants are the same gender (Bernstein, 2005, 2007; Edlund & Korn, 2002; Giusta, Di Tommaso, & Strom, 2009; Marlowe, 1997).
1
Qualitative research on male sex workers informs theories of sexuality, sexual behaviors, and sex work (Parsons, Bimbi, & Halkitis, 2001; Bimbi & Parsons, 2005; Uy et al., 2004); however, many quantitative questions whose answers could complement the qualitative approach remain unanswered. For example, we know little about the population size or geographic distribution of MSWs. Quantitatively analyzing the market could increase our understanding of ways that commerce, sexuality, and masculinity intersect.
2
1
Qualitative research on male sex workers informs theories of sexuality, sexual behaviors, and sex work (Parsons, Bimbi, & Halkitis, 2001; Bimbi & Parsons, 2005; Uy et al., 2004); however, many quantitative questions whose answers could complement the qualitative approach remain unanswered. For example, we know little about the population size or geographic distribution of MSWs. Quantitatively analyzing the market could increase our understanding of ways that commerce, sexuality, and masculinity intersect.
2
While there is a relative wealth of research about male sex workers who work on the streets, little is known about male escorts who appear to occupy the highest position in the hierarchy of male prostitution (Cameron, Collins, & Thew, 1999; Koken et al., 2005; Luckenbill, 1986; Parsons, Koken, & Bimbi 2007; Pruitt, 2005; Uy et al., 2004). Due to technological progress, such as the Internet, and the increasing social acceptance of homosexuality (Loftus, 2001; Scott, 2003), most existing work is now out of date.
3
Recent qualitative scholarship finds that the demographic and social characteristics of male escorts and their reasons for entering commercial sex work described in earlier postwar research does not apply today (Calhoun & Weaver, 1996; Joffe & Dockrell, 1995; Parsons et al., 2001; Pruitt, 2005; Uy et al., 2004). Researchers also note male-on-male sex workers’unique social and epidemiological position because they serve numerous social groups: gay-identified men, heterosexually identified men, and their own noncommercial sexual partners (Cohan et al., 2004). Male sex workers thus interact with groups of men who are unlikely to interact with each other, potentially acting as a social and sexual conduit between various groups (Parker, 2006).
3
Recent qualitative scholarship finds that the demographic and social characteristics of male escorts and their reasons for entering commercial sex work described in earlier postwar research does not apply today (Calhoun & Weaver, 1996; Joffe & Dockrell, 1995; Parsons et al., 2001; Pruitt, 2005; Uy et al., 2004). Researchers also note male-on-male sex workers’unique social and epidemiological position because they serve numerous social groups: gay-identified men, heterosexually identified men, and their own noncommercial sexual partners (Cohan et al., 2004). Male sex workers thus interact with groups of men who are unlikely to interact with each other, potentially acting as a social and sexual conduit between various groups (Parker, 2006).
One unique aspect of the study of gay male-on-male sex work is that all of the participants are male. In contrast to male-female prostitution, one cannot easily assign sexual positions or behaviors to participants based on gender; this necessitates a discussion of the social value of sexual behaviors practiced and advertised by escorts in the market.
4
This chapter analyzes how and if men who have sex with men reify and critique hegemonic masculinity in the values of sexual behaviors;
5
this is especially interesting because gay men are often considered counter-hegemonic (Connell, 1987, 1995).
6
Moreover, scholars note that ethnic sexual stereotypes give rise to unique values of practices among men of particular ethnicities and cultures. I therefore explore how ethnic and cultural subjectivities further shape the constructions of masculinity in these communities (Collins, 1999, 2000; Han, 2006; Reid-Pharr, 2001).
4
This chapter analyzes how and if men who have sex with men reify and critique hegemonic masculinity in the values of sexual behaviors;
5
this is especially interesting because gay men are often considered counter-hegemonic (Connell, 1987, 1995).
6
Moreover, scholars note that ethnic sexual stereotypes give rise to unique values of practices among men of particular ethnicities and cultures. I therefore explore how ethnic and cultural subjectivities further shape the constructions of masculinity in these communities (Collins, 1999, 2000; Han, 2006; Reid-Pharr, 2001).
This study breaks new ground in the study of male sex work by taking an explicitly quantitative approach to the subject. The relationship between escort prices, personal characteristics, and advertised sexual behaviors provides an interesting window through which to view this relatively underinvestigated social activity in the U.S. (Bimbi, 2007; Weitzer, 2009). The conceptual framework begins by considering how this type of empirical analysis can shed light on social theories of sexuality and masculinity (Dowsett, 1993). Principles of economic theory motivate the empirical approach, but results are interpreted in light of social theories of male sexuality. As the male escort market in the United States does not use intermediaries who could control the prices and earnings of male escorts, how male escorts price their services is understood to be conditional on their personal characteristics and advertised sexual behaviors. Values attached to these characteristics and behaviors lie at the confluence of social value and market forces.
This study renders visible some interesting aspects of male-on-male escort sex work in the U.S., such as where male escorts are predominantly located; advertising in cities with high and low gay density; and the market value of personal physical characteristics, such as ethnicity, height, and weight, and of advertised sexual activities. It explores whether male sex workers’ clients value hegemonically masculine behaviors and appearance in a way that can be reconciled with hegemonic masculinity (Connell, 1987, 1995; Connell &Messerschmidt, 2005), and what, if any, are the effects of intersections between personal physical characteristics and advertised sexual behaviors in these markets. It tests the hypothesis of intersectionality theory, which posits that men of particular cultural and ethnic subjectivities are rewarded for downplaying or emphasizing certain sexual behaviors (Collins, 1999, 2000).
Online Markets for Commercial Male-on-Male Escort Sex Work in the U.S.
Popular media suggest that MSWs are a sizable portion of the broader U.S. sex worker population (Pompeo, 2009; Steele & Kennedy, 2006).
7
Unlike their female counterparts, male sex workers usually work independently, as there is virtually no pimping or male brothels in the U.S. male sex trade (Logan & Shah, 2009; Pruitt, 2005; Weitzer, 2005, 2009).
8
The independent, owner-operator feature of these markets allows for greater mobility within the hierarchy of the male sex worker market. In these hierarchies, male escorts are arguably the most esteemed, as they do not work the streets, they take clients by appointment, and they usually are better paid than their counterparts on the street (Luckenbill, 1986). While street sex workers are paid at a piece rate, male escorts are contract employees with greater control over the terms of their work and the services they provide.
9
7
Unlike their female counterparts, male sex workers usually work independently, as there is virtually no pimping or male brothels in the U.S. male sex trade (Logan & Shah, 2009; Pruitt, 2005; Weitzer, 2005, 2009).
8
The independent, owner-operator feature of these markets allows for greater mobility within the hierarchy of the male sex worker market. In these hierarchies, male escorts are arguably the most esteemed, as they do not work the streets, they take clients by appointment, and they usually are better paid than their counterparts on the street (Luckenbill, 1986). While street sex workers are paid at a piece rate, male escorts are contract employees with greater control over the terms of their work and the services they provide.
9
Male escorts used to congregate in “escort bars” and place advertisements in gay-related newspapers to solicit clients, but reports show that the male escort market now takes place online (Friedman, 2003; Pompeo, 2009; Steele & Kennedy, 2006).
10
The online market provides a straightforward operating procedure—escorts pay a monthly fee to post their advertisements, which include pictures, physical descriptions, their rate for services (quoted by the hour), as well as contact information such as telephone numbers and email addresses. Escorts have complete control over the type and amount of information conveyed in their advertisements. Through websites, clients contact escorts directly and arrange for appointments at the escort’s home (known as an “incall”) or at the client’s residence or a hotel (an “outcall”).
10
The online market provides a straightforward operating procedure—escorts pay a monthly fee to post their advertisements, which include pictures, physical descriptions, their rate for services (quoted by the hour), as well as contact information such as telephone numbers and email addresses. Escorts have complete control over the type and amount of information conveyed in their advertisements. Through websites, clients contact escorts directly and arrange for appointments at the escort’s home (known as an “incall”) or at the client’s residence or a hotel (an “outcall”).
Social Science Theories of Male Sex Work
Research on commercial sex work traditionally concentrates on women and neglects the heterogeneous social structures that give rise to diverse forms of male sex work (Bernstein, 2007; West, 1993). Surveys of male prostitution (Aggleton, 1999; Itiel, 1998; Kaye, 2001; Pompeo, 2009; Steele & Kennedy, 2006; West, 1993) render visible geographic and cultural distinctions in practices and forms of male sex work, making it difficult to generalize the phenomena over space or time. These difficulties have hindered research in this field. Theories of sexuality pay particular attention to sexual minorities and marginalized sexualities because they are central to understanding majority and minority sexualities and sexual subjectivities (Epstein, 2006; Sedgwick, 1990; Stein, 1989; Weinberg & Williams, 1974). Including male sex workers confounds the usual theoretical tools of power and gender, allowing explorations of dynamics within genders in a novel way (Marlowe, 1997).
Research on political economies among sexual minorities deals largely with the commoditization of gay desire (Cantu, 2002; D’Emilio, 1997). As commoditization is a market force with supply, demand, quantities, and prices, I investigate how men in male sex work markets construct subjectivities that are influenced by social factors. This in turn can tell us about values men place on themselves and other men for commercial and perhaps noncommercial sexual liaisons. Researchers have looked at these types of values qualitatively and quantitatively between genders (Almeling, 2007; Arunachalam & Shah, 2008; Koken, Bimbi, & Parsons, 2009), but little quantitative work looks at differences
within
genders.
within
genders.
Today, as in the past, significant numbers of male escorts and clients do not identify as homosexual (Bimbi, 2007; Chauncey, 1994; Dorais, 2005). Allen (1980) describes studies of MSWs that find less than 10 percent identify as homosexual. Since Humphries’s (1970) controversial work, social scientists have noted that men partaking in same-sex sexual behavior are unlikely to be found in surveys unless they choose to publicly reveal their sexual behaviors and desires (Black et al., 2000; Black, Sanders, & Taylor, 2007; Cameron et al., 2009). The world of male sex work is one of the few places where men who adopt homosexual identities and those who refuse them are in intimate contact with one another; this offers the opportunity to address interesting questions about male sexual identity and homosexual desire. For example, what roles and behaviors must escorts conform to in order to realize the largest economic gains from sex work? The value of these roles can inform an analysis of the construction of masculinity at the crossroads of heterosexual and homosexual subjectivities because men participating in these markets, both clients and escorts, adopt disparate sexual subjectivities.
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