Passionate Sage (33 page)

If Jefferson customarily described American progress over time in celebratory language, Adams almost always preferred the cautionary mode. Progress for Adams always seemed to come at a cost. “What Wars, foreign or civil, what forms of government or what divisions these changes may produce,” he typically warned, no one could foresee clearly, except that history would exact a toll. Or when Jefferson speculated that the gradual unfolding of human rights might one day produce a condition of nearly idyllic personal freedom, Adams expressed only skeptical optimism: “When People talk of the Freedom of Writing Speaking or thinking, I cannot choose but laugh. No such thing ever existed. No such thing now exists…. I hope it will exist. But it must be hundreds of years after you and I shall write and speak no more.” The only kind of progress Adams truly trusted came gradually, moving at an evolutionary pace that allowed institutions to adjust and expectations to remain under some modicum of control. The secret of the American Revolution's success, he believed, was that it was rooted in political values and constitutional ideas with longstanding acceptance throughout the colonial era. It therefore followed that the fulfillment of the Revolution's liberal promise, so elegantly articulated by Jefferson, should seep out slowly over the course of the next century, gradually and almost surreptitiously entrenching itself in the minds and hearts of subsequent generations. Adams clearly believed that two of the liberal promises—the abolition of slavery and the improved status for women—were certain of fulfillment. The promise of social and economic equality, on the other hand, struck him as unlikely, one of those ever-receding goals that Jefferson's spiritual descendants would pursue as the French
philosophes
had done before, and with equivalently futile results. Whatever gains and successes future Jeffersonians might enjoy would require future Adamses to nurture them slowly, to bring them along gradually, to integrate them into the social fabric, to consolidate them after each round of leapfrog.
¹⁰

Meanwhile, however, the cycle would continue to turn. No one could say with certainty precisely how long it would take America to reach the apex of world power and then begin to slide down. One could only say that it would eventually happen, for, at least as Adams saw it, the story was as old as history and as predictable as the unquenchable appetite of the human passions. By disposition inclined to see America's ultimate fate lurking behind every political crisis or spurt of growth, Adams nonetheless gave himself plenty of latitude as a prophet. In a sour mood, he warned that the looming sectional crisis threatened to kill the republic “in about twenty years.” On another more buoyant occasion, he predicted that the American cycle could last “more than one hundred and fifty years.” Precise chronology was impossible to forecast accurately and Adams expressed his contentment to “leave that to others.” Various members of the Adams family subsequently took him up on the offer and, true to the tradition of the patriarch, offered prematurely pessimistic estimates.
¹¹

 

And so if we were to engage in one final, and admittedly fanciful, fling of the imagination, if we were to conjure up old man Adams, fidgeting about in his favorite chair that last morning, and if we were to grant him a glimpse into the future that is our present, we can be reasonably sure that he would lecture us on the grim lessons of history. He would probably express his surprise and pleasure that the republic he had helped to found had lasted this long. The size and density of our cities, along with our enormous industrial centers, would trouble him. (They would terrify Jefferson.) Most troubling, however, would be the malls, outlet stores, and visible trappings of consumer culture, along with the widespread presumption of unbridled individual freedom, unencumbered by any internalized sense of social responsibility and even justified as a fulfillment of the Revolution he had fought and wrought. We would certainly have to listen to one of his blistering jeremiads and a cascade of advice about how to strengthen government power in order to conserve our resources and manage our obvious decline.

He would also most surely want to know how his own reputation had fared. And he would probably derive a perverse sense of satisfaction in correctly predicting his own relative obscurity, noting for the record that no major mausoleums, monuments, or statues had yet been erected in his honor. In a final spasm of candor and irreverence, he might ask if his beloved republic, now in its third century of existence, had reached a sufficiently ripened stage of development to acknowledge his present relevance. Explaining in his defensive and over-animated way that he did not want to be famous so much as useful, he might propose the construction of an Adams monument on the Tidal Basin in the nation's capital, done in the classical style and situated sufficiently close to the Jefferson Memorial that, depending on the time of day and angle of the sun, he and Jefferson might take turns casting shadows across each other's facades.
¹²

T
HE NOTES
below are both more and less than a conventional scholarly account of the sources used in writing this book. They are more, because I have tried to register my personal positions on the major arguments encountered in attempting to assess the meaning of Adams's life. Which is to say that the endnotes are also meant, on occasion, to serve as a bibliographic essay. They are less, because I have not tried to list all the secondary sources consulted, which would have burdened the book with more citations than any reasonable reader would find sensible. I have cited those major secondary works and those titles that had a decided impact on my thinking. And I have tried to cite all primary sources from which I quote in the text. As per scholarly custom, the full citation is provided when first encountered, then an abbreviated version is used thereafter.

Memories: A Prologue

1.
For the most recent scholarly summary, see Ralph A. Brown,
The Presidency of John Adams
(Lawrence, 1975), 199–200.

2.
James Sterling Young,
The Washington Community, 1800–1828
(New York, 1966), for the physical condition of the new capital; Abigail Adams to Mary Cranch, November 21, 1800, in Stewart Mitchell, ed.,
New Letters of Abigail Adams, 1788–1801
(Boston, 1947), 259–60, for a description of the interior of the presidential mansion at the time.

3.
Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, December 17, 1800,
The Microfilm Edition of the Adams Papers
(608 reels, Boston, 1954–59), Reel 399. This microfilm collection, published by the Massachusetts Historical Society, which owns the originals, will hereafter be cited by date and reel number; Adams to Elias Burdinot, January 16, 1801, Reel 120.

4.
Fisher Ames to Rufus King, September 24, 1800, Charles R. King, ed.,
The Life and Correspondence of Rufus King
(6 vols., New York, 1895), III, 304; Fisher Ames to Rufus King, August 26, 1800,
ibid
., 295–97. See also Daniel Sisson,
The American Revolution of 1800
(New York, 1974), 379–80; Brown,
Presidency of John Adams
, 195–209; Stephen G. Kurtz,
The Presidency of John Adams: The Collapse of Federalism 1795–1800
(Philadelphia, 1957), 374–408. Throughout this book, italics in quotations appear in the original text, unless otherwise noted.

5.
Harold Syrett, ed.,
The Papers of Alexander Hamilton
(26 vols., New York, 1974–), XXV, 186, 190.

6.
Ibid
., 222, 196, 208–09.

7.
Ibid
., 187–88.

8.
Adams to Uzal Ogden, December 3, 1800, quoted in
ibid
., 183. The Syrett edition of the
Hamilton Papers
provides the fullest and fairest scholarly treatment of this entire episode in the notes to the text.

9.
See
ibid
., 178–81, for the Federalist correspondence in the wake of Hamilton's
Letter
. On the other side of the political spectrum, Madison rejoiced in a letter to Jefferson that “Hamilton's attack upon Mr. Adams…will be a Thunderbolt to both. I rejoice with you, that Republicanism is likely to be so
completely
triumphant….” See James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, November 1–3, 1800,
ibid
., 181.

10.
For a full discussion of Adams's treatment of Hamilton in his autobiography and in the
Boston Patriot
, see below, chapter 2.

11.
James Bayard to Alexander Hamilton, August 18, 1800, Syrett, ed.,
Hamilton Papers
, XXV, 71, for the quotation on Adams's congenital irrationality. Much more on this theme will be coming up shortly.

1.
The Education of John Adams

1.
The standard works on the Adams presidency are: Kurtz,
Presidency of John Adams;
Brown,
Presidency of John Adams;
Manning Dauer,
The Adams Federalists
(Baltimore, 1953). All tend to conclude with favorable assessments of Adams and critical assessments of the Hamiltonians or High Federalists. Eric McKitrick has graciously allowed me to read his chapters on the Adams presidency in
The Age of Federalism
, written with Stanley Elkins (to be published shortly, New York: Oxford University Press). Elkins and McKitrick adopt a more critical posture toward Adams and do so within the context of a truly magisterial narrative of the political history of the 1790s that promises to supplant all previous treatments of the decade. My own version differs from theirs in several respects, chiefly in absolving Adams of major blame for the collapse of the Federalist persuasion. But we concur that the personality of Adams was a crucial factor requiring extensive analysis. It will not do, in short, to dismiss Hamilton's charges as misguided, petty, or motivated solely by political jealousy.

2.
Thomas Jefferson to James Madison, January 4, 1797, quoted in Kurtz,
Presidency of John Adams
, 209–10. For more on Jefferson's thinking at this time, see Sisson,
Revolution of 1800
, 360–61; Joseph Charles,
The Origins of the American Party System
(Williamsburg, 1956), 73.

3.
Adams to Abigail Adams, December 30, 1796, in Charles Francis Adams, ed.,
Letters of John Adams, Addressed to His Wife
(2 vols., Boston, 1841), II, 233–35.

4.
James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, December 5, 1796, quoted in Brown,
Presidency of John Adams
, 18; Thomas Jefferson to Adams, December 28, 1796, Andrew Lipscomb and Albert Bergh, eds,
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson
(20 vols., Washington, D.C., 1903), hereafter cited as
Writings of Jefferson
, IX, 356–57; Oliver Wolcott, Sr., to Oliver Wolcott, Jr., March 10, 1797, in George Gibbs,
Memoirs of the Administrations of Washington and John Adams
(2 vols., New York, 1846), I, 246. See also Kurtz,
Presidency of John Adams
, 222–24; Sisson,
Revolution of 1800
, 361–62; Syrett, ed.,
Hamilton Papers
, 193–94. The scholarly literature on the emergence of political parties at this moment is both voluminous and spirited. In addition to the above-mentioned books by Charles and Sisson, see Noble Cunningham,
The Jeffersonian Republicans: The Formation of Party Organization, 1789–1801
(Chapel Hill, 1957); Richard Hofstadter,
The Idea of a Party System: The Rise of Legitimate Opposition in the United States, 1780–1840
(Berkeley, 1969); Richard Buel,
Securing the Revolution: Ideology in American Politics
(Ithaca, 1972).

5.
The standard account of this elaborate episode is Alexander De Conde,
The Quasi-War: The Politics and Diplomacy of the Undeclared War with France
(New York, 1966). The best brief treatment is Jacob E. Cooke, “Country Above Party: John Adams and the 1799 Mission to France,” in Edmund Willis, ed.,
Fame and the Founding Fathers: Papers and Comments Presented at the Nineteenth Conference on Early American History
(Bethlehem, 1967), 53–79. Although all the accounts of the Adams presidency cover the story, the upcoming book by Elkins and McKitrick,
The Age of Federalism
, provides the fullest account by far and supports the interpretation offered here.

6.
Thomas Jefferson to James Madison, January 20, 1797, and January 30, 1797,
Writings of Jefferson
, X, 367, 375; Adams to Elbridge Gerry, February 20, 1797, “Warren-Adams Letters,” Massachusetts Historical Society Collections (Boston, 1925), 72–73.

7.
George W. Comer, ed.,
The Autobiography of Benjamin Rush
(Princeton, 1948); the Parker quotation is from Zoltán Haraszti,
John Adams and the Prophets of Progress
(Cambridge, Mass., 1953), 1; Charles Francis Adams, ed.,
The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States
(10 vols., Boston, 1850–56), IX, 194–221, hereafter cited as
Works
, for Adams's speeches on this subject.

8.
Kurtz,
Presidency of John Adams
, 215–29, offers the most convenient account of this moment. I am not arguing that Jefferson ever gave serious consideration to Adams's offer of a bipartisan administration. Madison's intervention foreclosed the possibility, but Jefferson would almost certainly have reached the same conclusion on his own.

9.
Works
, X, 285–86.

10.
Adams to Uriah Forrest, June 20, 1797,
Works
, VIII, 546–47, 320–22.

11.
Adams to Elbridge Gerry, May 3, 1797, Reel 117; Adams to James McHenry, October 22, 1798,
Works
, VIII, 612–13; Adams to Harrison Gray Otis, May 9, 1823, Reel 124.

12.
Adams to Oliver Wolcott, September 24, 1798,
Works
, VIII, 601–04; Minutes of a Conference with the President, March 26, 1799, Gerry Papers, Library of Congress; Syrett, ed.,
Hamilton Papers
, XII, 388–94, 440–53, for Hamilton's correspondence concerning his plans for the military expedition; Fisher Ames to Rufus King, July 15, 1800, King, ed.
Life and Correspondence
, III, 275–76; Sisson,
Revolution of 1800
, 360.

13.
The Sedgwick quotation is from Richard E. Welch, Jr.,
Theodore Sedgwick, Federalist: A Political Portrait
(Middletown, 1965), 185–86. See Brown,
Presidency of John Adams
, 95–96, for the most incisive account of reaction in the Congress.

14.
Syrett, ed.,
Hamilton Papers
, XXII, 494–95, provides a full view of the Federalist reaction; Abigail Adams to Adams, March 3, 1799, Reel 393; Adams to Abigail Adams, February 22, 1799,
ibid.;
Elkins and McKitrick,
Age of Federalism
, chapter 12, part 5, offers the best scholarly account.

15.
Robert Troup to Rufus King, November 6, 1799, King, ed.,
Life and Correspondence
, III, 141–42; Alexander Hamilton to Theodore Sedgwick, May 10, 1800, Syrett, ed.,
Hamilton Papers
, XXIV, 430–31; Uriah Forrest to Adams, April 28, 1799,
Works
, VIII, 637–37; Adams to Uriah Forrest, May 13, 1799,
ibid
., 645–46; Adams to Benjamin Stoddert, September 21, 1799,
Works
, IX, 31–34.

16.
[Anonymous], Adams to William Cunningham, November 7, 1808,
Correspondence Between the Hon. John Adams, Late President of the United States, and the Late William Cunningham, Esq….
(Boston, 1823), 48. There is still a lively scholarly debate over whether an earlier resolution of the French question would have made any difference in the presidential election of 1800. The current consensus would seem to be that Federalist projections showed that the vote in New York was the key; and there Aaron Burr had already lobbied the delegates in the legislature on behalf of Jefferson, so that neither a favorable resolution of the quasi-war with France nor the suppression of Hamilton's
Letter
would have made a significant difference in the final tally.

17.
See Doris Graber,
Public Opinion, the President, and Foreign Policy
(New York, 1968), 79; Brown,
Presidency of John Adams
, 77–78, 102, 193; and Elkins and McKitrick,
Age of Federalism
, chapter 12, part 5. For Adams's own first-hand version of his thinking at the time, see Adams to Timothy Pickering, August 6, 1799, and Adams to John Trumbull, September 10, 1800, Reel 120.

18.
Theodore Sedgwick to Rufus King, September 26, 1800, King, ed.,
Life and Correspondence
, III, 308; Fisher Ames to Rufus King, July 15, 1800,
ibid
., 275–76. Several historians and biographers of Adams have suggested that our modern perception of his long absence from the seat of government must be informed by the political values of the pre-modern era. Jefferson and Madison, for example, were absent as much or more than Adams. But it seems to me that the
timing
of Adams's absence was too crucial to be excused or explained as a function of more leisurely customs.

19.
This is not the place to list the many major works on the coming of the American Revolution or the various books and articles that feature Adams as a key player. It is the place to note the enduring appeal of a semi-fictional account by Catherine Drinker Bowen,
John Adams and the American Revolution
(Boston, 1950), which still manages to recreate the atmosphere in the Continental Congress more imaginatively than any other historical account.

20.
Adams to Abigail Adams, July 1, 1774, in Lyman Butterfield, ed.,
Adams Family Correspondence
(3 vols., Cambridge, 1963), I, 118, hereafter cited as
Family Correspondence;
Adams to Abigail Adams, July 9, 1774,
ibid
., 135.