Preserve and Protect (46 page)

“I do not in any way, gentlemen of the Council, seek to minimize or diminish the gravity of United States crimes against Gorotoland. Yet I think that perhaps we will all agree that in Panama the crime is even greater and more dangerous to the peace of the world, because in my country the United States is issuing, and has issued, a challenge to the sovereign rights of all nations to free and unhindered passage of one of the indispensable tradeways of the world.

“Not only has the effect of the United States attempt to overthrow my government been to close off the Canal temporarily but effectively to the free passage of the maritime nations of the world, but now it is proposed by the”—and for the first time he raised his eyes from the notes he had placed before him and stared directly at Lafe and Cullee—“temporary Administration of the government of the United States”—he dropped his eyes to his notes again—“that a blockade be instituted to seal off my country from access by the sea. This universal denial of the rights of maritime nations to free passage upon the seas, and incidentally but no less importantly to free passage of the Canal, is to be instituted, apparently, as a means of overthrowing my government.

“Other means,” he said, and at his tone there was a little rush of agreeing laughter from the crowded galleries and from a number of delegations at the table, “appear to have failed.

“What this new move contemplates, as my friends from Britain, France and the Soviet Union have shown themselves vividly aware in the pending resolution, is to most blatantly and ruthlessly violate international law and to propose to close unilaterally the seas upon which all maritime nations, and indeed all nations, have an historic and absolute right.

“This, I think,” he said quietly, “makes it even graver than a ruthless, but in a strange sense conventional, attempt to strangle the Government of the People’s Liberation Movement of Panama.

“Mr. President and members of the Council, the PLM is well-equipped to withstand any such attempt. We have means of getting supplies which are well-known to the world, and to the United States. It is no secret that we are receiving assistance overland—overland but underground,” he said with a smile that again brought laughter from his friends around the room, “if I may employ the curious but wonderful English language in all its delightful contradiction—as well as supplies by airlift from elsewhere in Latin America and the Caribbean. Our good friends in Cuba, in particular,” he said with a bow to the Cuban Ambassador, who nodded and smiled approvingly, “are particularly helpful.”

(“And where Cuba gets her supplies,” Lafe murmured to Cullee, “we can never guess.” “In the curious but wonderful warlike way of peace-loving people’s governments,” Cullee agreed.)

“Mr. President,” Felix said, “the PLM will get along. We have managed now, with reasonable success, to withstand the assaults of the United States for approximately two months. During that time our many friends around the world have come valiantly and unstintingly to our assistance. We can hold out. Even with the blockade, we can hold out. But I wonder, Mr. President and members of the Council, whether the world can hold out against the arbitrary, unilateral decision of the temporary Administration of the government of the United States to establish an illegal and completely unprincipled ban upon world passage of the seas. That is the consideration which should, and I am sure does, govern delegates as they approach this resolution this afternoon.

“Mr. President,” he said, and something about his change of tone brought an even more attentive mood upon the room, “there is one other matter upon which I might make some comment. In the past, as we all know, there have been instances in which representatives of foreign states have commented directly or indirectly upon the United States political scene. Such comments, which the United States has always chosen to regard as offensive if not downright hostile intervention, have perhaps not been warranted or right.

“But, Mr. President and members of the Council, the United States occupies in the world today such a position of power to do good or, as in the case of my country, evil, that we cannot sit idly by while the internal politics of the United States threaten the peace and well-being of the world.

“My brother-in-law,” he said blandly, and since they all knew that Patsy’s divorce action was in its final stages and that his relationship with Ted Jason was accordingly tenuous at best, the term brought some amused stirring from his audience, “my brother-in-law is, as you know, a candidate for the Presidential nomination of his party. I will not pretend,” he added with a smile that told them it was all right to laugh, so many did, “that my personal relationships with the Jason family are of the best at this moment. Nonetheless, Mr. President”—and his tone became somber—“the selection of a candidate for President of the United States is so important to the world at this particular juncture that I cannot refrain from comment.

“We all know the situation as it presently stands. The one constant factor in two Administrations, now, has been the Secretary of State, Mr. Knox. There have been two Presidents but in Foggy Bottom there has been only Mr. Knox. It is not an exaggeration, I think, to say that the war and aggression policies of the United States Government have been for a year and a half, now, the war and aggression policies of Orrin Knox.

“Now, Mr. President, Mr. Knox is a brilliant and able, and to those of us who have had some personal contact with him over the years, a likable man as well. But,” he said gravely, “on any basis on which peace-loving men can judge him, he is a danger to the world.

“It is my earnest hope, Mr. President and members of the Council, that the proceedings now going on at this moment in the Supreme Court in Washington, proceedings which all of us have watched and will continue to watch as the afternoon progresses, will permit a free and democratic selection of a candidate by the convention originally called for that purpose.

“I am confident that if that is the case, my brother-in-law will be selected. Thereby the peace of the world will be saved.”

(“Jesus!”
Lafe murmured. Claude Maudulayne looked a quizzical “Well?” but did not quite say it.)

“Mr. President and members of the Council,” Felix concluded quietly, “I commend to you the British-French-Soviet resolution. We should pass it as a stern warning to the announced aggressive intention of the temporary Administration of the Government of the United States to institute a unilateral, illegal blockade against the right of free passage upon the seas.

“I waive consecutive translation.”

“The next speaker on my list,” the Ambassador of Cymru said, “is the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.”

Vasily Tashikov leaned forward, sharp little black eyes snapping, indignation and contempt in every line of his chunky little body.

“Simultaneous translation, please,” he said in Russian. “Mr. President! Members of the Security Council! Today we are seized with the question of ruthless armed aggression by the United States against freedom of the seas and the small, struggling—but destined to be triumphant, Mr. President, destined to be triumphant!—People’s Liberation Movement in Panama. Tomorrow we may be seized with U.S. aggression against the world. The time to stop it is
now,
Mr. President,
now.
Otherwise we shall fall one by one, like dominoes, before this ravenous, imperialistic, aggressive power.

“Mr. President and members of the Council, my government will not waste many words upon these Orrin Knox-style warmongers. We share the contempt of the world for their horrible actions in Gorotoland, which this Council would have condemned just a few minutes ago—in fact, which all but two members of the Council did condemn. The United States, by its inexcusable use of the veto, evaded the formal condemnation which its actions deserve. But the judgment of the Council is clear.

“We share the universal contempt for the United States for what it has done in Gorotoland, but even more we share the contempt for its vicious and worthless attempt to blockade the high seas. Mr. President and delegates, the Soviet navy now sails all those seas, from one end of the earth to the other. The days when warmongers in the United States could ignore the Soviet navy are gone, Mr. President. While they slept, we built and while they pretended for their own comfort that their eyes did not see what their noses could smell, we entered their oceans. And now we are upon them all. And we do not propose, Mr. President”—and the translator’s tone faithfully became as sarcastic in English as his was in Russian—“we do not intend to permit the dying naval power of the United States to dictate to the rising naval power of the Soviet Union.

“We say flatly to the warmongering imperialist aggressors of the United States, Mr. President, we say to Mr. Knox and all his friends: do not try this foolishly dangerous blockade. Do not try to cripple the Soviet Union on the high seas. The days when you could bluff us back from Cuba are gone! The days when you could bluff us out of the Mediterranean are gone! We are here, America! And here”—his voice dropped dramatically—“we stay.”

He shifted in his chair to stare straight at Lafe and Cullee, who stared impassively back.

“Mr. President and members of the Council: we urge adoption of this resolution. We warn against vetoes of it. Vetoes are undemocratic. They are against the spirit of the United Nations—”

(“How many have they used?” Cullee asked Lafe. “Three hundred or so,” Lafe told Cullee. They grinned cheerfully at Tashikov, who glared ostentatiously and became even more emphatic.)

“Vetoes are useless. Vetoes, Mr. President, are a Mr. Knox trick. Mr. Knox started these wars, Mr. Knox would veto his way out of them. We must not let him, Mr. President. We must educate Mr. Knox, who will soon be beaten, who will soon be a discard of history, that vetoes are no good. As Mr. Knox himself is no good.

“My government, too, Mr. President, hopes Mr. Knox will soon be forgotten. My government, too, hopes Governor Jason will be selected. It would be nice, Mr. President,” he said with an elaborate sarcasm mimicked by the translator, “to deal with a peaceful United States government, for a change. The world has suffered enough from the other kind!”

There was a frenzy of applause from the audience, and he looked up, smiled and applauded vigorously in return.

“I am authorized, Mr. President”—an aide sitting behind him slipped into his hand a sheet of paper which he placed on the table—“on behalf of my government, the government of the French Republic and the Government of the United Kingdom, to make the following statement:

“‘Irrespective of the outcome of the vote today in the Security Council, and irrespective of any action the United States may take with regard to its threatened blockade of the Government of the People’s Liberation Movement of Panama, the Government of the U.S.S.R., the Government of the United Kingdom and the Government of the French Republic, jointly and severally declare:

“‘The principle of free navigation of the high seas is inviolate and must be preserved at all times.”

“‘Our governments can accept no infringement or modification of this principle in any extent or degree.

“‘Any attempt to infringe or modify this principle will be met with appropriate action.’

“Mr. President and members of the Council, my government urges a favorable vote upon the pending resolution. But it also calls the attention of the United States to the statement I have just read.”

And he sat back, his little eyes gleaming, his expression triumphant as the audience broke into a murmurous, approving confusion.

“Members of the Council,” the Ambassador of Cymru said, “I find that there are no further speakers on my list—”

“Aren’t you and Raoul going to speak?” Cullee asked.

“No,” Lord Maudulayne said quietly.

“You’re actually going to let him speak for you,” Lafe said in disbelief.

“For the time being.”

“A strange day for Britain,” Cullee remarked.

“Stranger still for America,” Claude could not resist.

“Mr. President!” Lafe said, raising his hand as Cymru was about to call for the vote.

“The distinguished delegate of the United States,” Cymru said.

“Mr. President,” Lafe said, “I shall not take long to respond to the mouthings of the self-interested and the ravings of the subverters of peace. (Tashikov turned his back with a great show of indignation, and side by side Felix and Obifumatta straightened in their seats and stared with an affronted anger.) It will not take long to present the position of the United States, and to offer the proposal my government has instructed me to make to the world.

“Why is there talk of blockade, Mr. President? Because the United States finds that those who profess to be its friends—at such times,” he said dryly, “as the friends find they need help, financial or military—are now, as always, helping those whose attacks upon world peace and stability the United States feels it must oppose if world peace and stability are to be preserved.

“My government has tried patiently for many years, Mr. President, to point out the need for collective action to maintain the peace of the world. Much lip service has been paid to the idea by members of this organization. Every time it has come down to a matter of actually doing something about it, old friends have turned tail and run. Not only have they turned tail and run,” he repeated calmly as the British Ambassador fidgeted beside him, “but they have pitched in and given aid and comfort to the enemies of the United States and the enemies of world peace.

“On various occasions in the past, for various reasons having to do with an oversensitivity to world opinion and the subtler realms of self-paralyzed national will, the United States has permitted this situation to continue. This time we happen to have in office in Washington an Administration which will not.

“The distinguished delegate from Panama says his rebel government has been able to ‘withstand the assaults’ of the United States for two months. Is he, or anyone, Mr. President, so naïve as to think that those ‘assaults’ have represented the full strength of the United States? That is nonsense, Mr. President, and he knows it. There has just been an example in Gorotoland of the application of the full strength of the United States. The Administration—the ‘temporary Administration,’ if it satisfies something in the delegate to use that locution—decided it was going to finish the business quickly. It put in the necessary strength and the business is finished—despite,” he added acidly as Prince Obi glared, “the curious relics of the battle who still appear to be drifting about on the international scene.