The Letters of J.R.R. Tolkien (55 page)

[Not dated; probably late 1958-early 1959.]

Dear Mr Nunn,

I am not a model of scholarship;
¹
but in the matter of the Third Age I regard myself as a ‘recorder' only. The faults that may appear in my record are, I believe, in no case due to errors, that is statements of what is not true, but omissions, and incompleteness of information, mostly due to the necessity of compression, and to the attempt to introduce information
en passant
in the course of narrative which naturally tended to cut out many things not immediately bearing on the tale.

In the matter of birthday-customs and the apparent discrepancies that you note, we can therefore, I think, dismiss your alternatives (1) and (5). You omit (4).

With regard to (1) Gandalf certainly says at first ‘I guess' p. 62; but that is in accordance with his character and wisdom. In more modern
language he would have said ‘I deduce', referring to matters that had not come under his direct observation, but on which he had formed a conclusion based on study. (You will observe in the Appendix B that the Wizards did not come until shortly before the first appearance of Hobbits in any records, at which time they were already divided into three marked branches.) But he did not in fact doubt his conclusion ‘It is true all the same, etc.' p. 63.

Your alternative (2) would be possible; but since the recorder says on p. 35
Hobbits
(which he uses whatever its origin, as the name for the whole race), and not
the Hobbits of the Shire,
or
Shire-folk
, it must be supposed that he means that the custom of
giving presents
was in some form common to all varieties, including Stoors. But since your (3) is naturally true, we might expect even so deep-rooted a custom to be exhibited in rather different ways in different branches. With the remigration of the Stoors back to Wilderland in TA 1356, all contact between this retrograde group and the ancestors of the Shirefolk was broken. More than 1100 years elapsed before the Déagol-Sméagol incident (c. 2463). At the time of the Party in TA 3001, when the customs of the Shire-folk are cursorily alluded to insofar as they affect the story, the gap of time was nearly 1650 years.

All Hobbits were slow to change, but the remigrant Stoors were going back to a wilder and more primitive life of small and dwindling
^fn81
communities; while the Shire-folk in the 1400 years of their occupation had developed a more settled and elaborate social life, in which the importance of kinship to their sentiment and customs was assisted by detailed traditions, written and oral.

Though I omitted any discourse on this curious but characteristic fact of their behaviour, the facts concerning the Shire could be set out in some detail. The riverside Stoors must, naturally, remain more conjectural.

‘Birthdays' had a considerable social importance. A person celebrating his/her birthday was called a
ribadyan
(which may be rendered according to the system described
²
and adopted a
byrding
³
). The customs connected with birthdays had, though deeply rooted, become regulated by fairly strict etiquette; and so in consequence were in many cases reduced to formalities: as indeed suggested by ‘not very expensive ones as a rule' p. 35; and especially by p. 46 11. 20-26. With regard to
presents
: on his birthday the ‘byrding' both
gave
and
received
presents; but the processes were different in origin, function, and etiquette. The
reception
was omitted by the narrator (since it does not concern the
Party) but it was in fact the older custom, and therefore the one most formalized. (It does concern the Sméagol-Déagol incident, but the narrator, being obliged to reduce this to its most significant elements, and to put it into the mouth of Gandalf talking to a hobbit, naturally made no comment on a custom which the hobbit (and we) should regard as natural in connexion with birthdays.)

Receiving of gifts
: this was an ancient ritual connected with
kinship.
It was in origin a recognition of the
byrding's
membership of a family or clan, and a commemoration of his formal ‘incorporation'.
^fn82
No
present was given by father or mother to their children on their (the children's) birthdays (except in the rare cases of
adoption
); but the reputed head of the family was supposed to give something, if only in ‘token'.

Giving gifts
: was a personal matter, not limited to kinship. It was a form of ‘thanksgiving', and taken as a recognition of services, benefits, and friendship shown, especially in the past year.

It may be noted that Hobbits, as soon as they became ‘faunts' (that is talkers and walkers: formally taken to be on their third birthday-anniversary)
gave presents
to their parents. These were supposed to be things ‘produced' by the giver (that is found, grown, or made by the ‘byrding'), beginning in small children with bunches of wild flowers. This may have been the origin of the ‘thanksgiving' presents of wider distribution, and the reason why it remained ‘correct' even in the Shire for such presents to be things belonging to or produced by the giver. Samples of the produce of their gardens fields or workshops remained the usual ‘gifts given', especially among the poorer Hobbits.

In the Shire etiquette, at the date of the Party, ‘expectation of receiving' was limited to second cousins or nearer kin, and to residence
within
12 miles.
^fn83
The giver could thus accommodate his gift to his purse and his affections without incurring public comment or offending (if anyone) any other than the recipient. But custom did not demand costly presents, and a Hobbit was more readily flattered and delighted by an unexpectedly ‘good' or desirable present than offended by a customary token of family good-will.

A trace of this can be seen in the account of Sméagol and Déagol – modified by the individual characters of these rather miserable specimens. Déagol, evidently a relative (as no doubt all the members of the small community were), had already given his customary present to Sméagol, although they probably set out on their expedition v. early in the morning. Being a mean little soul he grudged it. Sméagol, being meaner and greedier, tried to use the ‘birthday' as an excuse for an act of tyranny. ‘Because I wants it' was his frank statement of his chief claim. But he also implied that D's gift was a poor and insufficient token: hence D's retort that on the contrary it was more than he could afford.

The
giving of presents
by the ‘byrding' – leaving out of account the gifts to parents,
^fn84
mentioned above – being personal and a form of thanks, varied much more in form in different times and places, and according to the
age
and
status
of the ‘byrding'. The master and mistress of a house or hole, in the Shire, would give gifts to all under their roof, or in their service, and usually also to near neighbours. And they might extend the list as they pleased, remembering any special favours in the past year. It was understood that the giving of presents was not fixed by rule; though the withholding of a usual gift (as e.g. to a child, a servant, or a next door neighbour) was taken as a rebuke and mark of severe displeasure. Juniors & Inmates (those having no house of their own) were under no such obligations as rested on householders; but they usually gave presents according to their means or affections. ‘Not very expensive as a rule' – applied to all the gifts. Bilbo was in this as in other ways an exceptional person, and his Party was a riot of generosity even for a wealthy Hobbit. But one of the commonest birthday ceremonies was the giving of a ‘party' – in the evening of the Day. All those invited were given presents by the host, and expected them, as part of the
entertainment (if secondary to the fare provided). But they did
not
bring presents with them. Shire-folk would have thought that very improper. If the guests had not already given a gift (being one of those required to do so by kinship), it was too late. For other guests it was a thing ‘not done' – it looked like paying for the party or matching the party-gift, and was most embarrassing. Sometimes, in the case of a very dear friend unable to come to a party (because of distance or other causes) a token invitation would be sent, with a present. In that case the present was always something to eat or drink, purporting to be a sample of the party-fare.

I think it will be seen that all the details recorded as ‘facts' do actually fit into a definite picture of sentiment and custom, though this picture is not sketched even in the incomplete fashion of this note. It
could
, of course, have appeared in the Prologue: e.g. in the middle of p. 12. But though I cut out a great deal, that Prologue is still too long and overloaded according even to those critics who allow that it has some use, and do not (as some) advise readers to forget it or skip it.

Incomplete as it is, this note may seem to you much too long; and though you asked for it, more than you asked for. But I do not see how I could have answered your queries more shortly in a way suitable to the compliment you pay me by taking an interest in Hobbits sufficient to mark the lacuna in the information provided.

However, the giving of information always opens still further vistas; and you will no doubt see that the brief account of ‘presents' opens yet more anthropological matters implicit to such terms as kinship, family, clan, and so on. I venture to add a further note on this point, lest, in considering the text in the light of my reply, you should feel inclined to enquire further about Sméagol's ‘grandmother', whom Gandalf represents as a ruler (of a family of high repute, large and wealthier than most, p. 62) and even calls a ‘matriarch' (p. 66).

As far as I know Hobbits were universally monogamous (indeed they very seldom married a second time, even if wife or husband died very young); and I should say that their family arrangements were ‘patrilinear' rather than patriarchal. That is, their family names descended in the male-line (and women were adopted into their husband's name); also the titular head of the family was usually the eldest male. In the case of large powerful families (such as the Tooks), still cohesive even when they had become very numerous, and more what we might call clans, the head was properly the eldest male of what was considered the most direct line of descent. But the government of a ‘family', as of the real unit: the ‘household', was not a monarchy (except by accident). It was a ‘dyarchy', in which master and mistress had equal status, if different functions. Either was held to be the proper
representative of the other in the case of absence (including death). There were no ‘dowagers'. If the master died first, his place was taken by his wife, and this included (if he had held that position) the titular headship of a large family or clan. This title thus did not descend to the son, or other heir, while she lived, unless she voluntarily resigned.
^fn85
It could, therefore, happen in various circumstances that a long-lived woman of forceful character remained ‘head of the family', until she had full-grown grandchildren.

Laura Baggins (née Grubb) remained ‘head' of the family of ‘Baggins of Hobbiton', until she was 102. As she was 7 years younger than her husband (who died at the age of 93 in SY 1300), she held this position for 16 years, until SY 1316; and her son Bungo did not become ‘head', until he was 70, ten years before he died at the early age of 80. Bilbo did not succeed, until the death of his Took mother, Belladonna, in 1334, when he was 44.

The Baggins headship then, owing to the strange events, fell into doubt. Otho Sackville-Baggins was heir to this title – quite apart from questions of property that would have arisen if his cousin Bilbo had died intestate; but after the legal fiasco of 1342 (when Bilbo returned alive after being ‘presumed dead') no one dared to presume his death again. Otho died in 1412, his son Lotho was murdered in 1419, and his wife Lobelia died in 1420. When Master Samwise reported the ‘departure over Sea' of Bilbo (and Frodo) in 1421, it was still held impossible to presume death; and when Master Samwise became Mayor in 1427, a rule was made that: ‘if any inhabitant of the Shire shall pass over Sea in the presence of a reliable witness, with the expressed intention not to return, or in circumstances plainly implying such an intention, he or she shall be deemed to have relinquished all titles rights or properties previously held or occupied, and the heir or heirs thereof shall forthwith enter into possession of these titles, rights, or properties, as is directed by established custom, or by the will and disposition of the departed, as the case may require.' Presumably the title of ‘head' then passed to the descendants of
Ponto
Baggins – probably
Ponto
(II).
⁴

A well-known case, also, was that of
Lalia the Great
⁵
(or less courteously the Fat).
Fortinbras II,
one time head of the Tooks and Thain, married
Lalia
of the Clayhangers in 1314, when he was 36 and she was 31. He died in 1380 at the age of 102, but she long outlived him, coming to an unfortunate end in 1402 at the age of 119. So she ruled the
Tooks and the Great Smials for 22 years, a great and memorable, if not universally beloved, ‘matriarch'. She was not at the famous Party (SY 1401), but was prevented from attending rather by her great size and immobility than by her age. Her son,
Ferumbras
, had no wife, being unable (it was alleged) to find anyone willing to occupy apartments in the Great Smials, under the rule of Lalia. Lalia, in her last and fattest years, had the custom of being wheeled to the Great Door, to take the air on a fine morning. In the spring of SY 1402 her clumsy attendant let the heavy chair run over the threshold and tipped Lalia down the flight of steps into the garden. So ended a reign and life that might well have rivalled that of the Great Took.