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Authors: Apollodorus,Robin Hard
1. A further explanation of the
kibisis
or wallet referred to in the sentence preceding the interpolation. The verse quotation, from Hes.
Shield
223–4, is incomplete and has been corrected by two additions from the surviving text of the poem. There is no reference to the
kibisis
in the surviving works and fragments of Pindar. The
Shield
goes on to say that the
kibisis
was wondrous to behold and was made of silver with golden tassels; it would need to be strong to carry the Gorgon’s head and prevent it from exercising its powers of petrifaction. The etymology for
kibisis
, a weak effort even by the usual standards, seems to appeal to the
kei
and
the
sounds in
keisthai ekei estheta
, ‘clothes placed there’.
2. It is said that Heracles and later the Dioscuri were the first non-citizens to be initiated into the Eleusinian Mysteries (Xenophon
Hellenica
6. 3. 6); each had to be adopted beforehand by a local citizen, Heracles by Pylios, and the Dioscuri by Aphidnas (Plut.
Thes
. 33).
3. Although it is present in the Epitome also, this sentence interrupts the narrative. The thought is a commonplace; compare in particular Thucydides 1. 4.
4. This passage contains two verse citations (or possibly three, depending on whether the isolated line at the end forms part of the second), apparently of different origin, for different names are given for the first dogs to attack Actaion’s body. In saying that the attack was instigated by Zeus the second passage follows the tradition reported for Acousilaos in 3. 4. 4 that Zeus was angry with Actaion for courting Semele. It is now known that this was the account offered in the Hesiodic
Catalogue
(fr. 217a in Hesiod OCT, 1983 edn.), and some have argued that the second passage at least comes from the
Catalogue
(but it is not included by Merkelbach and West). The more familiar story that Actaion died because he saw Artemis naked was of later origin; see p. 102 and note. The remedy for human sorrows in the final line is presumably wine, as bestowed by Dionysos, Semele’s son by Zeus. The verses are cited for the information that they offer on the names of Actaion’s dogs, a matter of some interest to later authors, as witnessed by the catalogues in Collectanea Alexandrina 71–2, Ov.
Met
. 3. 155 ff., and Hyg.
Fab
. 181. (The passage is poorly preserved; Wagner’s text, which is somewhat different from that of Frazer, has been followed in the translation. In the second citation, Actaion’s name appears in an alternative and presumably early form as Actaios.)
5. A citation from the
Melampodeia
, an early epic devoted primarily to the seer Melampous and his family. The ancients ascribed the poem to Hesiod (other testimonies relating to the present passage can be found under Hes. fr. 275). This is Teiresias’ judgement on the relative pleasure that men and women derive from love-making (see p. 110). It should be noted that Teiresias’ verdict in these lines from the
Melampodeia
is not the same as that ascribed to him in Apollodorus’ text; for here he says that a man enjoys one part and a woman
ten
(on the same scale of ten), while in the text he is reported to have said that a man enjoys one part and a woman
nine
(as if there were ten available ‘points’ to be divided between them). The nine-to-one division can also be found in a collection of Wonders by Phlegon (cited under Hes. fr. 275), an author of the second century
AD
, whose account of the episode is certainly not derived from Apollodorus. (As it happens, the manuscripts give Apollodorus’ ratio as nine to ten rather than nine to one; but this is improbable in itself, and it is generally accepted that it can be corrected on the evidence of Tzetz. sc. Lycophr. 638 and the passage from Phlegon.)
6. The fact that this passage is introduced in the first person, which is unparalleled in the
Library
, confirms that it is a later gloss. It contains a standard list, recorded in four other sources (Philodemus
On Piety
45b, Gomperz 1865: Sextus Empiricus
Adv. Math
. 1. 260–2; sc. Eur.
Ale
. 1; sc. Pind.
Pyth
. 3, 96); and because it was cited by Philodemus,
who wrote in the first century
BC
, we can be sure that the author of the
Library
was not responsible for its compilation. The first two names are of Argive leaders who fell in the First Theban War (for Capaneus, see p. 110; the present Lycourgos would be the son of Pronax, and nephew of Adrastos, mentioned on p. 47, who is said to have fought with Amphiaraos during the war, Paus. 3. 18. 12, although he is not included in any surviving list of the seven champions). For the death of Hippolytos, see p. 142; this becomes the prime example in the literature on the mythology of the constellations (to explain how Asclepios came to die and be transferred to the sky as the constellation Ophiouchos or the Serpent-Holder,
Catast
. 6, cf. Hyg.
Astr. 2
. 14). The most likely occasion for the death and revival of Tyndareus was Heracles’ campaign against Hippocoon, pp. 87 f. Hymenaios was a god of marriage, specially associated with the wedding procession and hymns. For this account of the revival of Glaucos, cf. Hyg.
Astr. 2
. 14; Apollodorus offers a conflicting account on pp. 99 f.
7. This merely repeats matter from 3. 1. 4 and shortly before in the same paragraph.
8. According to Epitome 5. 1, Penthesileia, the Amazon, came to Troy to be purified after accidentally killing Hippolyte. The present paragraph (5. 2, found only in the Vatican epitome) offers an explanation of who this Hippolyte was, and how Penthesileia came to kill her. This, we are told, was the Hippolyte abducted by Theseus, and Penthesileia killed her—or may have killed her—when the Amazons invaded Attica after Theseus had put Hippolyte aside in favour of Phaedra (see p. 141). But this attempt to explain an event that took place in the final year of the Trojan War by an incident at Theseus’ wedding involves a gross anachronism (for it was universally agreed from Homer onwards that Menestheus was king of the Athenians during the Trojan War and that Theseus must have died some time before it began). So can this paragraph be accepted as a reliable report on Apollodorus’ text? Even a brief comparison with 1. 17 (in the Sabbaitic epitome only), which is largely the same, will suggest that it cannot. It seems, rather, that the Vatican epitomist wrongly assumed that the present Hippolyte could be identified with the Amazon of that name associated with Theseus, and reworked material from earlier in the
Library
to put over the point; and crucially, the phrase stating that Theseus’ Hippolyte may have been killed ‘accidentally by her ally Penthesileia’ is almost certainly the epitomist’s own contribution. For this is not stated as one of the alternatives in 1. 17, and there is a marked awkwardness in the way in which the text (as summarized above) has been rearranged to allow for its insertion.
The alternative names for Hippolyte in 5. 2 do not correspond with
those in the Sabbaitic epitome at 1. 16 (as translated in the main text). The corresponding passage in the Vatican epitome mentions the names Glauce and Melanippe (though not, as it happens, Hippolyte).
Although it is not explicitly attested in Proclus’ summary or elsewhere, it can be reasonably assumed that in reporting that the accidental killing accounted for Penthesileia’s presence at Troy (5. 1), Apollodorus was following the
Aethiopis
in the epic cycle. It is surely probable that the incident would have taken place in her native land within Asia Minor to the east of Troy, as indicated in the surviving accounts in Diodorus 2. 46. 5 and Quintus of Smyrna 1. 21 ff. Diodorus is vague, merely stating that she killed her (unnamed) sister and had to leave her native land, but according to Quintus, she killed Hippolyte when throwing her spear at a stag (which may well be the early tradition).
References:
these are included either to suggest passages for comparison and further reading in ancient works which are readily accessible in translation, or to state the source of specific information given within the note. In the latter case, the references are selective, and refer if necessary to untranslated works.
The following
abbreviations
are used:
Aesch. | Aeschylus (tragic poet, 525/4–456 |
[Aesch.] | Prometheus Enchained |
AL | Antoninus Liberalis, |
Ap. | Apollodorus, the author of the |
AR | Apollonius of Rhodes, |
Bacch. | Bacchylides (lyric poet, flourished fifth century |
Catast | Pseudo-Eratosthenes, |
DS | Diodorus of Sicily, |
Eur. | Euripides (tragic poet, fifth century |
fr. | fragment. |
Hdt. | Herodotus, |
Hes. | Hesiod. (For translations of the Hesiodic works, and of some of the testimonies and fragments, see the Hesiod volume in the Loeb series; the references for the fragments are to the standard edition by Merkelbach and West, Oxford, 1967.) |
Hes. | Catalogue of Women |
Hes. | Hesiod, |
HH | Homeric Hymns |
Hyg. | Hyginus, |
Hyg. | Hyginus, |
Il | Homer’s |
Od | Homer’s |
Ov. | Ovid’s |
P. | Pausanias, |
Parthen. | Parthenius of Nicaea, |
Pind. | Pindar (lyric poet, 518–438 |
Plut. | Plutarch (first-second century |
Procl. | Proclus (of uncertain date, author of summaries of the early epics in the Trojan cycle; translated in |
QS | Quintus of Smyrna, |
sc. | scholion. (The scholia were marginal notes by ancient and medieval scholars, which often preserve material from lost mythographical works. French translations of some of the scholia relevant to the text of the |
| NB. In references to scholia conventional abbreviations have been used. |
Theog | Hesiod’s |
Thuc. | Thucydides, |
Tzetz. | Johannes Tzetzes (Byzantine scholar, twelfth-century |
VM | The Vatican Mythographers (ed. G. H. Bode, |
Dates: all are
BC
unless otherwise indicated.
Cross-references: these are selective, and the Index should also be consulted.
Textual matters: notes on these, and on points of language, have been kept to a bare minimum, except with regard to dubious passages and
interpolations (marked by square brackets in the text) and to etymologies, which depend on wordplay in the original Greek (indicated by italics in the text).