The Making of African America (38 page)

42
Peter A. Coclanis,
The Shadow of a Dream: Economic Life and Death in the South Carolina Low Country, 1670—1920
(New York, 1988), 64—65, 80—81; Peter H. Wood, “‘More Like a Negro Country': Demographic Patterns in Colonial South Carolina, 1700—1740” in Stanley L. Engerman and Eugene D. Genovese, eds.,
Race and Slavery in the Western Hemisphere: Quantitative Studies
(Princeton NJ, 1975), 131—45; Wood,
Black Majority,
13—91; Daniel C. Littlefield,
Rice and Slaves: Ethnicity and the Slave Trade in Colonial South Carolina
(Baton Rouge LA, 1981); Russell R. Menard, “Slave Demography in the Lowcountry, 1670—1740: From Frontier Society to Plantation,”
South Carolina Historical Magazine
96 (1995), 291—302; Betty Wood,
Slavery in Colonial Georgia, 1730—1775
(Athens GA, 1984), 91—98; James A. McMillan,
The Final Victims: Foreign Slave Trade to North America, 1783—1810
(Columbia SC, 2004).

43
Jennifer L. Morgan, “Slavery and the Slave Trade” in Nancy A. Hewitt, ed., A
Companion to American Women's History
(Oxford UK, 2002), 20—24; Morgan,
Slave Counterpoint,
68—75, quoted on 71; Rediker,
The Slave Ship,
101; David Eltis and Stanley L. Engerman, “Was the Slave Trade Dominated by Men?”
Journal of Interdisciplinary History
23(1992), 237-57.

44
David Eltis, Paul E. Lovejoy, and Davis Richardson, “Slave-Trading Ports: Toward an Atlantic Wide Perspective, 1676—1821” in Robin Law and Silke Stickrodt, eds.,
Ports of the Slave Trade (Bights of Benin and Biafra). Papers from the Centre for Commonwealth Studies, University of Stirling, June 1998
(Stirling UK, 1999), 12—34; David Eltis, “Free and Coerced Migration from the Old World to the New” in Eltis, ed.,
Coerced and Free Migration
(Palo Alto CA, 2002), 49—50; Rediker, Slave Ship, chap. 3; Horn and Morgan, “Settlers and Slaves,” 38-39; David Northrup,
Trade without Rulers: Pre-Colonial Economic Development in SouthEastern Nigeria
(Oxford UK, 1978), 65—80; James F. Searing,
West African Slavery and Atlantic Commerce: The Senegal River Valley, 1700—1860
(Cambridge UK, 1993); Boubacar Barry,
Senegambia and the Atlantic Slave Trade
(Cambridge UK, 1998); Miller,
African Way of Death;
Falconbridge,
An Account of the Slave,
12.

45
Diouf, ed.,
Fighting the Slave Trade;
Taylor,
If We Must Die.
The high number of shipboard insurrections by Africans taken from the Senegambia coast may have led slave traders to look elsewhere for slaves, despite the proximity of Senegambia to Europe.

46
Littlefield,
Rice and Slaves,
8-11; Coclanis,
Shadow of a Dream,
60, 243—44, n. 44; W. Robert Higgins, “Charleston Terminus and Entrepot of the Colonial Slave Trade” in Martin L. Kilson and Robert Rotberg, eds.,
The African Diaspora: Interpretative Essays
(Cambridge MA, 1976), 118—27; Philip Hamer et al., eds., Papers
of Henry Laurens,
16 vols. (Columbia SC, 1968—2003), 1: 275, 294—95 (quoted), 331; 2: 179—82, 186, 357, 400—2, 423, 437; 4: 192—93.

47
The case for the Igbo preeminence in the Chesapeake region is made most vigorously by Douglas B. Chambers, “‘He is an African But Speaks Plain': Historical Creolization in Eighteenth-Century Virginia” in Alusine Jalloh and Stephen Maizlish, eds.,
Africa and the African Diaspora
(College Station TX, 1996), 100—33 and “‘My Own Nation': Igbo Exiles in the Diaspora,”
Slavery and Abolition
18 (1997), 73—97. Also Lorena S. Walsh, “The Differential Cultural Impact of Free and Coerced Migration to Colonial America” in David Eltis, ed.,
Coerced and Free Migration: Global Perspectives
(Palo Alto CA, 2002), 129—35; Gwendolyn Midlo Hall,
Slavery and African Ethnicities in the Americas: Restoring the Links
(Chapel Hill NC, 2005). Even if the Igbos dominated the region, there remains a question of exactly who the Igbos were. David Northrup points to the complex social divisions within Igbo culture in “Igbo and the Igbo Myth,” 1—20. For the collapse of African nationality into the term “New Negro,” see Michael Mullin,
Africa in America: Slave Acculturation and Resistance in the American South and the British Caribbean, 1736—1831
(Urbana IL, 1992), 3.

48
Linda M. Heywood, “Introduction” in Heywood, ed.,
Central Africans and Cultural Transformations in the American Diaspora,
12; Heywood and Thornton,
Central Africans, Atlantic Creoles, and the Foundations of the Americans, 1585—1660,
chaps. 2—5; Hall,
Slavery and African Ethnicity in the Americas.

49
Philip D. Morgan, “The Cultural Implications of the Atlantic Slave Trade: African Regional Origins, American Destinations and New World Developments,”
Slavery and Abolition
18 (1997), 122—45; Morgan, “Trends in the Study of Early American Slavery of Potential Interest to Archaeologists” presented at the Digital Archaeological Archive of Chesapeake's Slavery Steering Committee Workshop, International Center for Jefferson Studies, Charlottesville VA, Oct. 6, 2000; Rediker,
Slave Ship,
212—13; Klein,
Atlantic Slave Trade, 155—56.

50
Klein,
Atlantic Slave Trade,
90—93, 104, 122—24; quoted in Rediker,
Slave Ship,
279.

51
Smallwood,
Saltwater Slavery,
65—66 and chap. 3; Klein,
Transatlantic Slave Trade,
90—91. According to one leading student of the slave trade, “there is no recorded instance of a slave vessel sailing direct from Africa to a port on the North American mainland.” David Eltis, “The U.S. Transatlantic Slave Trade, 1644—1867: An Assessment,”
Civil War History
54 (2008), 354.

52
Quoted in David Hackett Fischer and James C. Kelly, Away,
I'm Bound Away: Virginia and the Westward Movement
(Richmond VA, 1993), 60—68, quoted on 62.

53
Charles Tilly, “Transplanted Networks” in Virginia Yans-McLaughlin, ed.,
Immigration Reconsidered: History, Sociology, and Politics
(New York, 1990), 83—84; Douglass Massey et al., “Theories of International Migration: A Review and Appraisal,”
Population and Development Review
19 (1993), 448—62.

54
Carter to Robert Jones, Oct. 10, 1727 [misdated 1717], Oct. 24, 1729, quoted in Lorena Walsh, “A ‘Place in Time' Regained: A Fuller History of Colonial Chesapeake Slavery through Group Biography” in Larry E. Hudson, Jr., ed.,
Working Toward Freedom: Slave Society and Domestic Economy in the American South
(Rochester NY, 1994), 14; Lorena S. Walsh,
From Calabar to Carter's Grove: A History of a Virginia Slave Community
(Charlottesville VA, 1997), 34.

55
Gerald W. Mullin, Flight and Rebellion:
Slave Resistance in Eighteenth-Century
Virginia (New York, 1972), chap. 2; Kulikoff,
Tobacco and Slaves,
317—35; Morgan,
Slave Counterpoint,
444-45.

56
Quoted in Equiano,
The Interesting Narrative,
62 and in Billy Smith and Richard Wojtowicz, comps.,
Blacks Who Stole Themselves: Advertisements for Runaways in the Pennsylvania Gazette, 1728—1790
(Philadelphia, 1989), 56—57. Also Hugh Jones,
The Present State of Virginia,
Richard Morton, ed. (Chapel Hill NC, [1774] 1956), 75—76.

57
Lathan A. Windley, comp.,
Runaway Slave Advertisements: A Documentary History from the 1730s to 1790,
4 vols. (Westport CT, 1983), 3: 468; W. Abbot and Dorothy Twohig, eds.,
The Papers of George Washington: Colonial Series,
10 vols. (Charlottesville VA, 1983—1985), 7: 65—66; Morgan,
Slave Counterpoint,
444—51. Over time members of various African ethnic or nations groups cooperated: see
ibid.,
448.

58
Walsh, “The Differential Cultural Impact.” Also see Morgan,
Slave Counterpoint,
20—21, 524—30.

59
Morgan,
Slave Counterpoint,
560—80; Philip D. Morgan and Michael L. Nicholls, “Slaves in Piedmont Virginia, 1720-1790,”
William and Mary Quarterly
46 (1989), 211—289; see also
Charleston South Carolina and American General Gazette,
Aug. 21, 1776;
Charleston City Gazette,
Aug. 17, 1790, Aug 21, 1776.

60
Steven Deyle makes the case that slave sales increased in frequency after the Revolution: Deyle,
Carry Me Back: The Domestic Slave Trade in American Life
(New York, 2005), 54. In the first half of the eighteenth century, the number of runaway advertisements that mention a previous owner is less than 10 percent; this increased to 28 percent in the 1790s.

61
Mullin,
Flight and Rebellion,
87—88, 124—29; Kulikoff,
Tobacco and Slaves,
339—41; Herbert Gutman,
The Black Family in Slavery and Freedom, 1750—1925
(New York, 1976), 347; Kathleen M. Brown,
Good Wives, Nasty Wenches and Anxious Patriarchs: Gender, Race, and Power in Colonial Virginia
(Chapel Hill NC, 1996), 357- 61; Sarah S. Hughes, “Slaves for Hire: The Allocations of Black Labor in Elizabeth City County, Virginia, 1782 to 1800,”
William and Mary Quarterly
35 (1978), 260—86; Jonathan D. Martin,
Divided Mastery: Slave Hiring in the American
South (Cambridge MA, 2004).

62
John J. McCusker and Russell R. Menard,
The Economy of British America, 1607—
1789 (Chapel Hill NC, 1985), 123—33; Carville Earle and Ronald Hoffman, “Staple Crops and Urban Development in the Eighteenth Century,”
Perspectives in American History
10 (1976), 7-78; Walsh, “Slaves and Tobacco in the Chesapeake,” 179—186; Morgan,
Slave Counterpoint,
523.

63
Jean Butenhoff Lee, “The Problem of Slave Community in the Eighteenth-Century Chesapeake,”
William and Mary Quarterly
43 (1986), 357; quoted in Morgan,
Slave Counterpoint,
chap. 9, quoted on 532 and also see 539—40. On the rootedness of eighteenth-century slaves, see Morgan,
ibid.,
519-30; Edwin Morris Betts, ed.,
Thomas Jefferson's Farm Book
(Princeton NJ, 1953), 19.

64
Kulikoff,
Tobacco and Slaves,
chap. 9, and The
Beginnings of the Afro-American Family,
177—96; Gutman,
Black Family,
75—78; Morgan,
Slave Counterpoint,
chap. 9.

65
Quoted in
South-Carolina Gazette
(Timothy) 1, Feb. 7, 1759 in Windley, comp.,
Runaway Slave Advertisements,
3: 170.

66
Phillips P. Moulton, ed.,
Journal and Major Essays ofJohnWoolman
(New York, 1971), 65; Morgan,
Slave Counterpoint,
544-46; Gutman,
Black Family,
esp. chaps. 2—6; Mary Beth Norton, Herbert G. Gutman, and Ira Berlin, “The Afro-American Family in the Age of Revolution” in Ira Berlin and Ronald Hoffman, eds.,
Slavery and Freedom in the Age of Revolution
(Charlottesville VA, 1983), 181; Rhys Isaac,
Landon Carter's Uneasy Kingdom: Revolution and Rebellion on a Virginia Plantation
(New York, 2004), chap. 13.

67
Ira Berlin and Philip D. Morgan, eds.,
Cultivation and Culture: Labor and the Shaping of Slave Life in the Americas
(Charlottesville VA, 1993), chaps. 5—7, 10; Morgan,
Slave Counterpoint,
246—49, 376, 574—79 601—9; Shane White and Graham White,
Stylin': African American Expressive Culture from its Beginnings to the Zoot Suit
(Ithaca NY, 1998), chaps. 1—2; L. Baumgarten, “‘Clothes for the People': Slave Clothing in Early Virginia,”
Journal of Early Southern Decorative Arts
14 (1998), 26—70; Barbara J. Heath, “Buttons, Beads, Buckles:Contextualizing Adornment Within the Boundaries of Slavery” in Maria Franklin and Garrett Fesler, eds.,
Historical Archeology, Identity Formation, and the Interpretation of Ethnicity
(Williamsburg VA, 1999), 47—71.

68
Quoted in John Oldmixon,
The British Empire in America,
2 vols. (London, 1708), 2: 121—22; Orlando Patterson,
The Sociology of Slavery: An Analysis of the Origins, Development, and Structure of Negro Slave Society in Jamaica
(Rutherford NJ, 1967), 146; Dana J. Epstein, Sinful Tunes and
Spirituals:
Black Folk Music to the Civil War (Urbana IL, 1977), 84; quoted in Charles Ball,
Slavery in the United States: A Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Charles Ball
(Lewistown PA, 1837), 23; Michael A. Gomez,
Exchanging Our Country Marks: The Transformation of African Identities in the Colonial and Antebellum South
(Chapel Hill NC, 1998), 189—91. Gomez notes that such antagonism existed into the nineteenth and perhaps into the twentieth century (at least in the minds of some scholars).

69
Kulikoff,
Tobacco and Slaves,
chaps. 8—9; quoted in Gomez,
Exchanging Our Country Marks,
191.

70
Epstein,
Sinful Tunes and Spirituals,
chaps. 2—3; Epstein with Rosita M. Sands, “Secular Folk Music” in Mellonee V. Burnim and Portia K. Maultsby, eds.,
African American Music: An Introduction
(New York, 2006), 35—50; Eileen Southern,
The Music of Black Americans: A History
(New York, 1971), chaps. 2—3; quoted in Shane White and Graham White,
The Sounds of Slavery: Discovering African American History Through Songs, Sermons, and Speech
(Boston, 2005), 8.

71
S. Max Edelson, “Affiliation without Affinity: Skilled Slaves in Eighteenth-Century South Carolina” in Jack P. Greene, Rosemary Brana-Shute, and Randy J. Sparks, eds., Money, Trade, and Power:
The Evolution of South Carolina's Plantation Society
(Columbia SC, 2001), 221-59; Morgan,
Slave Counterpoint,
131, 136, 212—15, 225—36, 246, 545—46; Mullin,
Flight and Rebellion,
chap. 3; Joyce E. Chaplin,
An Anxious Pursuit: Agricultural Innovation and Modernity in the Lower South, 1730—1815
(Chapel Hill NC, 1993), 270—74.