It made a rough wooing towards a marriage of convenience.
Scotland was thrown into an uproar, needless to say, and the Queen's ministers into panic. A Convention of the Estates was called for as soon as possible, forty days' notice being obligatory.
Meanwhile the nation seethed, crowds demonstrated in the streets, meetings were held behind closed doors and members of the administration were pelted with filth and stones if they allowed themselves to be seen in public. Andrew devoted most of his time to lobbying fellow-members of the Estates, in the interests of votes, leaving the populace meantime, as fairly reliable in their reactions, more so than their legislators.
Talking to these, he began to hear of a new grouping within the Country Party, and amongst its most prominent members. At first he dismissed this as mere political gossip. But as the stories persisted he commenced to take it seriously, especially when he heard that the group had even been given a name, and a strange one - the Squadrone Volante. When it was alleged that amongst those forming this group were none other than his former colleagues, almost his pupils, Roxburghe, Rothes, Montrose and Selkirk, even Tweeddale and Marchmont being suggested as adhering, he became intrigued, even a little anxious. For if all these were colloguing in some new association, yet he himself had not been approached, it must be for some purpose of which it was felt he would not approve. And it began to occur to him that these lords might well have been avoiding him recently.
So he sought out Marchmont who, as an old friend, he felt owed him an explanation. And from him he learned that there was good reason for excluding himself from the Squadrone
Volante's ranks - for they had come to the conclusion that union with England was inevitable and decided that, since it would be pointless to oppose it fruitlessly, it was better to make the best of it, which they had agreed meant fighting for a federal instead of an incorporating union such as the English appeared to want. A federal parliament dealing with matters of mutual concern, the crown, foreign policy, the armed forces, the colonies and the like with national legislatures still handling domestic matters, laws, trade and commerce and so on, would leave Scotland reasonably free and independent in her own affairs and still to a large extent mistress of her destiny, whilst allowing the benefits of the English connection, they believed. But they had feared that Andrew would not see it that way, dead-set against union as he was. So . . .
Grimly Andrew agreed that they were right in that respect, at least.
He was much upset and perturbed. His first inclination was see it all as little less than treachery. Further consideration, however, convinced him that all these friends of his could not be traitors; they must believe sincerely in what they had decided, since it was against all their former professions. Nevertheless he could not find it in him to absolve them thus of weakness, even of moral cowardice, even though they might call their change of front realism. For they were wrong, wrong - of that he had no least doubt. Was it arrogance, then, on
his
part, to be so sure? Or merely stubbornness ? No - for he could do nothing else. To
know
the right and resile from it - that was something he could not do. Moreover, their attitude was fated to failure, he was certain, selling the pass before the battle was joined. The English would see it only as the first step toward surrender. They were strong, whatever else, and would understand only strength used against them. A weak meeting of them halfway would gain nothing.
Andrew failed to convince any of his former colleagues to change back. He knew, as probably did they, that things would never be quite the same between them again. Only Johnnie Belhaven, of his intimates, remained staunch.
His apprehensions increased a few evenings later when, at Saltoun, Margaret rather doubtfully intimated that a Mr.
Campbell had come to see him, and thereafter ushered in the curiously-built and so impressive young man who, despite nondescript Lowland dress, could be none other than Rob Roy MacGregor. Surprised, naturally, he greeted him warily.
The other gave no impression of wariness, all courteous bonhomie and smiles, expressing pleasure at the honour of meeting Mr. Fletcher again and his admiration for the fine house of Saltoun Hall and its wide and fertile lands.
It took a little while, in all this spate of Highland flourish and Latin tags, to reach the object of the visit. When at length it began to emerge, Andrew could scarcely believe his ears. It seemed that the MacGregor had come to try to convert him to Jacobitism, or at least to involve him in co-operation with that cause.
The strange thing was how reasonable the visitor made his representations sound, how persuasive towards such an improbable alignment - and how well-informed he was. When he could get a word in, it was this that Andrew commented upon first.
"You are very knowledgeable about our Lowland affairs, Mr. MacGregor - I beg your pardon,
Captain
MacGregor. I would scarcely have expected it."
"Och, we are no so ignorant, north of the Line, Mr. Fletcher, see you. I have my sources of information, whatever. In the cattle trade."
"Then the cattle trade must be an interesting one, in the Highlands, sir! Hereabout at markets, we do not seem to discuss much more than the price of beef, the cost of hay and the honesty of dealers. Matters of state and politics hardly come into it."
"Perhaps you're after going to the wrong markets, Mr. Fletcher! Or buy and sell beasts for the wrong folk. I, now, sell cattle for such as my lords Duke of Atholl, Marquis of Montrose, Earl of Breadalbane and even the Duke of Gordon. Indeed it is on Duke Atholl's business that I am here, just."
"Ah. But the Duke is in London, I think?"
"But his Duchess is not, sir. She is in his house in Edinburgh."
"And this concerns me, Captain?"
"It could, Mr. Fletcher. Och, I think it could, yes. You see, there is a plot to bring down the Duke - and more than the Duke. It is to split the cause against this union and to damage the Jacobites as well. Och, a right clever conspiracy, as you might say.
Fas est ab bostibus doceri!
"
Andrew searched the other's ruddy features. "Go on," he said.
"Yes, then. This is why I think that you and your friends should be after fighting on the same side as the Jacobites in this warfare - since we both would damn this of union. When it comes to the bit in your Parliament you are going to be needing every vote you can raise."
"Perhaps, sir. But it is a big jump to suggest that I come to terms with the Jacobites. I am a Protestant and will not contemplate Romish rule again."
"My goodness, Mr. Fletcher - am I not after being as good a Protestant as you are, whatever? This talk of the Stewart's bringing back the Roman Church to power is but a device of our enemies. My lord Breadalbane is no Catholic. Nor is the Earl of Mar. Nor, for that matter, is the Duke . . ."
"Aye - Atholl. Where does he come into this? You spoke of a plot?"
"Plot, yes. You will have heard tell of MacShimi? The Lord Lovat, chief of the Frasers of the North, him who ran off with first his cousin, then his aunt? Aye, well - he is now close to Queen Mary of Modena, James Stewart's mother, in St. Germain. To the sorrow of all honest men, my God! He is a snake, that one! He has just been here, to Scotland. He was after calling a meeting of chiefs and great ones in the cause, at Drummond Castle. He brought letters from the Queen. Och, I'll not be troubling you with what was in the letters or what the meeting was about, see you - since you are not concerned with Jacobite affairs, Mr. Fletcher. But this I can tell you -there were three letters. One to the Duke of Gordon, one to the Duke of Hamilton and the third to the Duke of Atholl . . ."
"Hamilton? But Hamilton is no Jacobite. Why Hamilton? As for Atholl, he
might
be a secret Jacobite sympathiser. His father, the late Marquis, was ever of that persuasion. Although the Duke, as Lord Murray, was William's Secretary
of State and is now Anne's minister. After all, she made him a duke."
"Just that, yes. As to the Duke of Hamilton,
his
letter was but to urge him to be fighting the union and not to push his far-out claim to the succession. MacShimi - Lovat - was after reading it out to the
meeting. But the Duke of Atholl’
s letter, now, was different. Och yes, different. It was after seeking his help in the struggle, telling him of plans and dates and offering him a command in the Jacobite forces. Right . . . explicit."
"Lord - Atholl! The Queen's Lord Privy Seal! This could be as good as a keg of gunpowder! Atholl as close as that to St. Germain . . . ?"
"Och, no - that is just it, Mr. Fletcher. It is a plot, I tell you. I have known my lord Duke for long. I sell his cattle for him and do other small things. And he has no dealings with St. Germain. He is no real Jacobite - although a wheen of his clan are. No - this was Lovat's work. The other letters were addressed in the same hand as wrote them. This was not. This was addressed to Atholl in a different hand -
1
jalouse Lovat's own."
"You mean . . . ?"
"Aye - it was an open letter from Queen Mary. To be given where it would do the cause most good. But Lovat hates Atholl - clan trouble. Atholl's aunt married the previous Lord Lovat and the title was to descend to her offspring, half-Murrays. But this Simon Fraser claimed it as heir male. Took it by force when the old Lord died. The Murrays have tried to unseat him. He abducted the women. So he is outlaw and exile - as once you were, Mr. Fletcher! And he hates Atholl."
"But - I cannot believe that he, Lovat, could endanger his whole cause for the sake of a private spite. If he is indeed close to Mary of Modena, her envoy . . . ?"
"You think not, at all? Then hear this. Before coming to Drummond Castle, Lovat went secretly to see the Duke of Queensberry and showed him that letter."
"Queensberry! Not Queensberry, the High Commissione
r? Save us - Queen Anne's chief
est man in Scotland! You have your dukes wrong, surely . . . ?"
"I have not, then. Queensberry it was."
"How do you know this, man? I warrant Lovat did not tell you!"
"You will have been hearing of a man named Defoe, sir? Daniel Defoe. No? Och well, he is an Englishman just, who does be doing business in Scotland. He . . . comes and goes. I see him from time to time. At cattle-trysts. He has his friends in high places, it seems - and plenty of siller . . . !"
"In other words, an English spy!"
"Och well, that is not a word I would be using myself. But he has useful information whiles, see you. And sometimes seeks information from the likes of myself."
"I see."
"Likely you do not see at all, Mr. Fletcher! We'll not be looking into that, just no
w. But he is close to the Duke
of Queensberry, whatever."
"But - what is the point of all this? Why should Queens-berry receive the exiled Lord Lovat, a known Jacobite and outlaw?"
"I asked that, my own self. But if Lovat was
more
than just a Jacobite, see you - what then? If he was working for the English government as well, would it not all make sense? How think you he can move so freely about Scotland and England too? I am told he dined openly in London."
"You mean he works for both sides? For Mary and James and for Anne also? A traitor! If this is so, why should this Englishman - Defoe, did you call him? - tell you so? Against his own masters."
"They tell me that there are two sides in England, too, not loving each other. Whigs and Tories. This Defoe plays his own game, for one or other."
"Even so, I fail to see the reason for this of Queensberry. If true."
"Why, to bring down Atholl. To split the Protestant Jacobites from the Catholics - Atholl is Protestant and could act as bridge. And to break up those who work against the union. Atholl is against union, as is Hamilton. And they are not to be bribed, these two dukes. They tried to bribe Atholl, with £1,000 - but it did not serve."
"So you hear tell of bribery also?"
"Who does not? So I come to you, Mr. Fletcher. On behalf of.. . others. To urge you to be acting with the Jacobites, over this of union. Atholl will be disgraced - for I am told that Queensberry sent a copy of the letter to Queen Anne. He will have to leave the ministry. Many here will name him a Jacobite schemer, and hate and fear the Jacobites the more. To Scotland's loss. If
you
do not make that mistake, and seek to keep the vote against the union united, much of the harm will be undone, whatever. Men respect yourself, Mr. Fletcher.
Honos habet onus
!
"
"Not if I seem to be turning Jacobite, sir."
"Och, you can say that you but make common cause, just. You, who are against military rule, they tell me."