The Real Chief - Liam Lynch (10 page)

In early March 1922, Liam Lynch sought some method of reconciliation between those who were pro-treaty and anti-treaty. He travelled to Dublin accompanied by Florence O'Donoghue, for one of the many meetings which he had with Richard Mulcahy, defence minister and chief-of-staff, O'Duffy, and other GHQ members. The first meeting extended over several days during which the position of the army was reviewed in detail and an effort of compromise was sought so that both opposing points of view could be reconciled. Though public statements from a num­ber of people began to appear in the press showing a partisan view, nevertheless, these men spoke in an atmosphere of good­will. All of them wished to maintain and foster the atmosphere of co-operation which had prevailed during the long struggle for freedom. Then events suddenly changed. While a meeting of officers was in session preparing the convention agenda, the de­cision of a cabinet order was conveyed to them:

It is quite evident to the unanimous Dáil Cabinet that at an Army Convention contemplated for 26 March it is proposed to en­deavour to remove the army from under the control of the Govern­ment elected by the Irish people, which is Dáil Éireann. Such a purpose is illegal, and you are hereby instructed that the holding of this Convention is illegal.
1

This immediately terminated efforts to find common ground for the resolutions to be submitted to the convention; Lynch was saddened as he could find no valid reason for the prohibition. The decision of two weeks earlier had been reversed when on 15 March 1922 the cabinet, believing that the majority of the army were opposed to the acceptance of the treaty, initiated the chain of events which precipitated the split.

It would be difficult to speculate what would have happened had the cabinet allowed the convention to be held as had first been agreed. The entire army would have been represented re­gardless of the viewpoint which each individual held. They would have met in an atmosphere of freedom in keeping with its spirit and tradition. During the previous years it had been cemented into such an organised body and a disciplined force that it should have been possible to arrive at a compromise. As it happened, forbidding the holding of the convention was looked upon by a large number of officers and men as being unjust and unreason­able. (It should be noted that the Provisional Govern­ment did not, at this time, make any order. The order was made by the Dáil cabinet.)

Lynch and other anti-treaty officers again met. They decided to hold the convention on the date originally fixed. Irrespective of what views delegates held, they summoned all the already elected delegates of the army to attend the convention. In the docu­ment which they issued to the delegates they stated that:

... On 18 January last a general Convention of the IRA was sanc­tioned by the Minister for Defence of the Dáil cabinet, to be held not later than the end of March:

And whereas as that agreement has been broken by the acquiescence of the Minister for Defence in the instructions issued by President Griffith prohibiting the holding of such a Convention;

Therefore be it resolved that we, the undersigned members of GHQ Staff and commandants and other officers of the IRA units, hereby call the aforesaid Convention, to be held on the date al­ready determined, Sunday 26 March 1922; the representation to be as set forth in the general order already issued by GHQ.

Fifty-two signatures, including that of Liam Lynch, were added to the document. Lynch who had been in Dublin, hurried back to Mallow for a meeting of the First Southern Division council which was held on 20 March. Unexpectedly Mulcahy (minister for defence) and O'Duffy (chief-of-staff) attended which showed the importance they placed on this division but ‘when diffe­rences became acute, they both left for Dublin before an agree­ment was reached'. All present were conscious of the disaster to­wards which the army was being driven. From the long meeting two important points emerged:

(a) All were adamant that despite the Dáil ban the convention of the army would be held: but they would be willing to postpone the date to later than 26 March so that the entire army could be repre­sented.

(b) The recruiting for the civic guards which was being imple­mented by the Provisional Government should cease. (This parti­cu­larly angered a large number of army members.)

After this meeting, Lynch and Liam Deasy, the divisional ad­ju­tant, travelled on the following night to Dublin by the mail train and put the proposals which emerged from the First South­ern Division council before Arthur Griffith and Michael Collins. Both main clauses were turned down.
2
On the same day, Rory O'Connor gave an interview to the press in which he claimed to re­present 80% of the army who were against the treaty. He stated:

The holding of the Convention means that we repudiate the Dáil. If a government goes wrong we must take the consequences ... The Dáil, in deciding that the Irish Republic shall go into the British Empire, has committed an act of national dishonour that we won't stand.

Florence O'Donoghue in summing up Lynch's point of view said, ‘It is reasonably certain that they [Rory O'Connor's views] did not accurately represent Liam Lynch's position.'
3

The convention assembled in the Mansion House, Dublin, on Sunday 26 March 1922. Fifty-four delegates from the First Southern Division (a quarter of the total number of 211) at­ten­ded the convention. In order to maintain a neutral attitude, Frank Aiken, Fourth Northern Division, did not attend. Liam Mel­lows presided at the meeting during which a resolution was pas­sed unanimously:

That the army reaffirm its allegiance to the Irish Republic.

That it shall be maintained as the army of the Irish Republic under an Executive appointed by the Convention.

That the army shall be under the supreme control of such Executive which shall draft a constitution for submission to a Con­vention to be held on 9 April.
4

A sixteen member Executive was elected to hold office until the adjourned convention assembled two weeks later. Liam Lynch headed the poll in the voting for this Executive and five officers from his division were also elected. The Executive appointed Lynch as chief-of-staff and agreed to set up headquarters at Barry's Hotel.

Two days later (28 March) they issued a statement declaring that the minister for defence and his chief-of-staff at Beggar's Bush no longer exercised any control over the army. The Exe­cu­tive called for the cessation of recruiting for the force, which was being organised by the Provisional Government, and also for an end to civil guard recruiting.

The following day the Executive ordered the destruction of the
Freeman's Journal
machinery following what it termed as ‘Mis­leading Reports of the Convention'.
5
Battalion parades of all units were ordered by the Executive to assemble on Sunday 2 April. At this assembly they reaffirmed their allegiance to the Republic, and Lynch read a statement giving the background to the holding of the convention and the decisions made there.

On Sunday 9 April the army convention reassembled at the Mansion House:

(a) to adopt the Constitution from a draft which had been pre­pared by the temporary Executive elected at the previous Convention.

(b) to elect an Executive to control the army.

In the constitution the wording of the original oath of allegi­ance, which all volunteers had taken in 1920 pledging allegiance to Dáil Éireann, was amended to pledge to ‘support and defend the Irish Republic against all enemies foreign and domestic ...'

In the election of a sixteen member Executive to control the army, Liam headed the poll, was appointed chief-of-staff and in­cluded on the newly set-up army council of seven members.
6
With his staff in headquarters at Barry's Hotel his main preoccupation was the split, as conditions of near chaos existed in the army and throughout many parts of the country.

In a letter to his brother Tom which he wrote on 18 April, he said that, ‘since the Truce it has been ... a worse time on me than the whole war. Every bribe and cunning plan has been put up to us, but thank God we pulled through to take once more free action ... sad it is to risk having to clash with our old com­rades, but we cannot count the cost.'
7

The situation in which Liam Lynch found himself was more difficult than any he had experienced during the previous years of his life. He worked day and night, very often without rest. He had to wrestle with the anguish which his duties as chief-of-staff of the IRA demanded. ‘You need not be troubled by my lofty position as I think nothing of it,' he wrote to his brother. ‘I have tried to resign several times during the past few months; but same would not be accepted ... At the moment I am fed up of army and people and were it not for
Ireland's Sake Alone
I would drop out of things. I know my service at the moment is sorely needed.'
8

The Executive and the portion of the army which gave alle­giance to this body had now cut itself off from any share of arms or equipment which had been handed over by the British to the Provisional Government. Parts of this army occupied various bar­racks and posts throughout the country but they had no finan­cial resources. They had a substantial number of arms which were taken in a raid on Clonmel barracks by anti-treaty forces, other­wise, throughout the country, they were dependent on arms and ammunition which had been captured during the conflict with the British.

Through the minister for defence of Dáil Éireann and the chief-of-staff, the Provisional Government began to build a uni­form fulltime nucleus of an army. Initially, recruitment was only from volunteers with previous experience: however, this was soon to extend to others. The British government transferred as much arms and equipment as was required. Churchill stated on 12 April 1922 that 4,000 rifles, 2,000 revolvers, 6 machine guns and ammunition had been handed over and that authority would be given for any further issue that may be required.
9

Despite the fact that there was division there was no great bitterness between officers and men who took opposing sides. As always, the hope of a settlement existed. The possibility of re­uniting the army was one of the first matters considered by the Executive. Liam Lynch basically believed a settlement was pos­sible through negotiations. Liam Mellows, secretary to the Exe­cu­tive, sent a letter on 14 April to the secretary of Dáil Éireann setting out their terms. This received no response. Lynch was op­posed to any idea of a dictatorship. He wrote to his brother:

In the past I made the most of any situation which arose, whether granted by the enemy or by any section in Ireland. I will do my best at the elections to keep Ireland from handing away the Republic or the least portion of her birthright. If we fail at the election I hope to have the army united under an Executive and not giving alle­giance to any party or government ... If the army stands toget­her – which I hope it will – we can save the country and the Republic. If we can force the Treaty party to draw up a Republican Constitu­tion we are A1 again. This I consider quite possible.
10

Lynch had fought bravely against the British, therefore the last thing he wanted was to fight against his own people. Above all else he passionately wanted to avoid Civil War. The conflict which was stirring, troubled him. He expressed this turmoil in his correspondence and also his belief that the constitution, when it would emerge, would be one which Republicans would accept; it would be a constitution under which a united army could serve without betraying its allegiance to the Republic.

Unfortunately neither the Executive nor Beggars Bush staff were in complete control of their respective forces throughout the country. Eight people had been killed and forty-nine wounded in armed clashes, and though no one wanted a Civil War the con­flict was rapidly gaining momentum.
11

A variety of problems loomed for the Executive which did not appear to be functioning as an effective unit. Other projects intruded, orders were given, sometimes without Lynch's know­ledge. The fabric of authority was weakening.