Two members of the Hitler Youth whom Fritsch regularly had as his lunch guests for a time were also questioned. This was part of program at the NSV [National Socialist Welfare Organization] whereby wealthy Nazis tried to help the children of poor Berlin families by having them as guests, not simply to offer them a hearty meal but also to improve their intellect. Fritsch tried to teach the boys some geography, cartography, and military history. Wolff claimed, and he may have gleaned this from his friends in the Gestapo, that the general was in the habit of hitting his young guests on their bare calves with a ruler if they didn’t pay attention during the lessons. With apparent expertise, Wolff called this type of corporal punishment “calf fetishism,” considering it as the sexual aberration of an unmarried soldier—or something of the sort. There was some truth to that accusation.
Actually, the proceedings took a completely different course than the one Hitler, Göring, and Himmler had wished. Fritsch’s defense attorney, Rüdiger von der Goltz, the Reich court advisor, Colonel Hossbach, and Admiral Canaris went to great lengths, along with other friends of the accused, to refute the statements made by the blackmailer, Schmidt. They found the weak point in the intrigue because the real victim of the Gestapo’s man in custody was a retired riding master named von Fritsch,
who confirmed everything that Schmidt and the male prostitute Weingärtner told the police.
It was then discovered that the Gestapo had known the truth about the case since at least February 15. On that day, an officer questioned von Fritsch. Members of the military court chosen for the case suggested to Hitler that he order that the proceedings stopped. The Führer demanded that the blackmailer should first withdraw his statement. The hearing was then set for March 10, 1938.
As usual, the accused was asked at the beginning of the main proceedings if he pleaded guilty. Fritsch denied the accusation, but the witness Schmidt confirmed it relentlessly. The hearing was unexpectedly interrupted on that day for what appeared at first to be mysterious reasons. The news quickly filtered through that the Austrian National Socialists in Vienna and other cities were conducting mass demonstrations against Chancellor Kurt von Schuschnigg because he wanted to thwart Hitler’s plan to seize power through a popular election. Göring was adamant that Germany needed to take action and, later, during the crucial hours, he actually managed the Anschluss (or annexation) of the Ostmark, as Austria was now called, to the Reich.
As the proceedings against Fritsch resumed—again with Göring presiding—Hitler returned to Berlin. His followers in Austria were still celebrating his and their victory in a sea of swastika flags, parades and proclamations using the motto “One people, one Reich, one Führer.” But the situation in the courtroom had not changed; Schmidt kept on accusing Fritsch relentlessly. However, on the next day, March 18, 1938, as the prosecution had nearly exhausted all of its possibilities and began fearing it would have to accept an acquittal due to a lack of evidence—which would have the effect of a charge of not-guilty—they successfully got their last witness, the blackmailer Schmidt, tangled up in contradictions during questioning
Then Göring, the crafty tactician saw his opportunity. Because the prosecution threatened to fall apart, it became preferable to have the Gestapo take the blame of persecuting an innocent person and thereby secure the good will of the generals. He attacked the already stuttering witness Schmidt by shouting, calling him a complete liar and demanding his confession. Schmidt admitted, “Yes, I lied.”
Fritsch was found not guilty, but he never returned to his office. On February 4, he had already received his written discharge from the active Wehrmacht from Hitler, taking into consideration his health and his “repeated requests”—which he had never presented—to be allowed to retire.
Blomberg was also discharged on the same day. Göring was promoted to General of the Army, General Keitel was appointed to chief of the supreme command of the Wehrmacht (OKW). Hitler took over as war minister and as supreme commander of the entire Wehrmacht, fourteen generals whom Hitler considered as defeatists were retired, the career diplomat Konstantin Freiherr von Neurath was removed as foreign minister and replaced by former champagne salesman Joachim von Ribbentrop, and the ambassadors in London, Tokyo, Rome, and Vienna were removed from their posts. All of this, as well as the annexation of Austria, had taken place before General Werner von Fritsch was acquitted, and in the wake of such momentous events, the verdict became insignificant news to the public, which did not comprehend that Hitler had now cleared the path for a foreign policy of violent aggression.
Two facts from this entire matter are worth mentioning. Wolff reported that Blomberg’s adjutant von Friedeburg, with whom he was friendly, had asked him before the wedding to discretely request a character reference on Erna Gruhn from the police. But before the answer came back, Friedeburg had to report for duty in Kiel at the navy supreme command. Had the police actually checked their files, and SS Gruppenführer Karl Wolff would have found out about this woman’s past life before she was married. Naturally Himmler and Heydrich knew the truth. Why didn’t they warn Blomberg? Or did they share their knowledge with their Führer in the end? It would have been consistent with Hitler’s penchant for deceit to let things take their course for the leadership of the Wehrmacht to be humiliated, like the SA had been.
If the head of the SS actually let Minister Blomberg be destroyed by the scandal, then he would never have any entrée to the military. Several weeks after the affair, Himmler, Wolff and the former minister met unexpectedly at the Four Seasons Hotel in Munich. Wolff recalled that Himmler was asking lamely, “What do we do now?” He suggested that they act as though nothing had happened; and Blomberg was so grateful that they happily shook hands.
Fritsch, on the other hand, remained irreconcilable. He never wanted anything to do with the SS again. For his rehabilitation, Hitler did only what was absolutely necessary. The general was too proud to request anything more. He dropped out of public life completely and reproached the generals for not backing him up more vigorously. Wolff explained this attitude in a different way. It was made clear to the retired general that his “calf fetishism” would lead to criminal charges if he did not remain quiet.
When the Fritsch trial was so unexpectedly interrupted on March 10, 1938, the Austrian emergency also involved SS Gruppenführer Karl Wolff. With Himmler he prepared lists of prominent members of the SS that were to be given the task of handling the change of system in the so-called Ostmark. Wolff was most certainly present and active according to the heading “Medals and Decorations” of his personnel file entitled “Ostmark Medal.”
The annexation of Austria to the Reich had been planned for years, and now came somewhat unexpectedly. Since the failed putsch by the Austrian SS in July 1934, when Chancellor Engelbert Dollfuss was killed, a bitter struggle ensued between the Nazis and the governing Fatherland Front that viewed itself as a cross between clericalism and monarchist Fascism. In February 1938, the situation appeared as somewhat less explosive; Hitler and Chancellor Kurt von Schuschnigg had agreed at the Berghof that the National Socialists of Austrian nationality would no longer be persecuted, but would, on the contrary, be part of the government. Hitler even held a conciliatory speech at the Reichstag. But three weeks later, Schuschnigg, following Hitler’s pattern, announced during a speech in Innsbruck that just four days later during a referendum his compatriots would confirm that they wanted a free, German, independent, social, Christian and separate Austria. Schuschnigg’s opponents, besides the many followers of Hitler, also included Marxists and the anti-clericals, who rightfully suspected that he simply wished to underhandedly increase his authority and tighten his fascist course, locking up those who differed in his version of concentration camps. Many protest demonstrations began in many parts of the country; he decided to have the Austrian army security forces take over. Until then his protector, fascist leader Benito Mussolini, had warned him that this was a bomb that could explode in his hand and destroy him. Indeed the police became unreliable in some areas, stepping in too lamely against the demonstrators and beginning to cross over to the rebels.
In this situation, Hitler decided to support the protesters, with force if necessary. With instructions to the Wehrmacht, codenamed “Operation Otto,” he directed, “It is in our own best interest if this whole operation takes place without the use of force by marching in peacefully, and being greeted by the people.” However, wherever resistance appeared, it was “to be broken absolutely and ruthlessly by force of arms.” This was to prove unnecessary. Wherever the “Reich Germans”—the name the Austrians gave their invaders—appeared, whether soldiers, Party members,
or the Führer himself, they were met with jubilation, flags and thick rows of people with arms with outstretched high into the air. Since every important Party leader in Austria was expecting to inherit something, Himmler wanted to step in quickly with an entourage of Reich officials and Party organizations already in place before the competition could start. On the evening of March 11, 1938, just as Schuschnigg, under the pressure in the streets and with the threat coming from the Reich, offered his resignation as head of the government, the Reichsführer’s raiding party was ready to leave Berlin. He and Heydrich had donned their new combat uniforms—a new design that from then on became standard among the top SS leaders during Hitler’s more aggressive operations.
At midnight on March 11, Hitler and his team boarded two Ju 52 transport planes at Berlin-Tempelhof airport. Besides the Reichsführer SS, Wolff, Heydrich, Obergruppenführer Kurt Daluege, and a cohort of Gestapo officials, armed SS soldiers—mostly SS men fleeing from Austria—were also on board. The three-engine planes were significantly overloaded. Walter Schellenberg, responsible for foreign espionage within the SD, maintains that he possibly saved Himmler’s life on this flight. The Reichsführer was leaning on an unlocked door during the flight, and Schellenberg grabbed his coat and pulled him back, fearing the door could fly open.
Both planes landed at the Vienna-Aspern commercial airport on March 12 at 5:00 am. Wolff was surprised that he and his fellow travelers had no opportunity to engage in acts of heroism. Dr. Michael Skubl, the Austrian minister of security himself, gave them a very friendly welcome. Until then, he had dealt rather roughly with the National Socialists, but now he warmly welcomed the guests from Germany. He could even justify the change: since Schuschnigg’s resignation he no longer held office. Dr. Arthur Seyss-Inquart, a Nazi, had practically taken over in Vienna by then. Himmler and his thee warriors, Wolff, Heydrich, and Daluege (each one of them over six feet tall) were invited to inspect an honor guard before getting into the cars belonging to the State of Austria to be driven into the city. Outfitted with machine guns and appropriate ammunition, they must have appeared somewhat out of place, especially Schellenberg, since he was under orders to immediately place Dr. Skubl under arrest.
Himmler’s raiding party was not the first enforcement group to come in from the Reich. The South Germans were closer and therefore arrived earlier. For example, Josef Bürckel the gauleiter in Rhineland-Pfalz, who in the fall of 1935 after the vote in the Saar, took his region back into the
German Reich and had experience in the quiet use of the iron fist method. Even Hitler’s economic advisor, Wilhelm Keppler, was already in Vienna with his staff. Rudolf Hess, both as Reich minister and as deputy to the Führer for Party matters and who had no duties to perform, arrived by train. This was why Himmler’s entourage spent time securing quarters for the days to come. For Himmler, Wolff and the SS staff commandeered the Hotel Regina while the Gestapo took over the Hotel Metropol. Then Himmler and his inner circle, without having had enough sleep, had to drive to Linz to meet the Führer.
On March 12, at 8 in the morning, soldiers of the Eighth German Army had removed the barriers at various border crossings, supported by cheering Austrian customs officials and police officers. Pressed by enthusiastic crowds, their convoy could only progress very slowly. But the streets were not really blocked until shortly before 4:00 p.m., when Hitler arrived in his birth city of Braunau. Because their motorcade was being constantly interrupted by Wehrmacht convoys and throngs of cheering spectators who could only be held back with difficulty, Himmler and his men met up with Hitler about 15 kilometers west of Linz. It was already dark when they arrived. From the balcony of the Town Hall in Linz, Hitler then gave an uncustomarily short speech to the waiting crowd. He spent the night in the Weinzinger Hotel on the banks of the Danube.
On the following day around noon he visited his parents’ graves in Leonding, a few kilometers west of Linz. Himmler and Wolff were allowed to accompany him. The rest of the day continued with the Führer’s circle handling state business regarding the issue of whether a Nazi Austria should be allowed some degree of independence or whether, along with annexation and the Gau structure of Germany, the entire program was to be implemented. Not until 10 a.m. the next morning did the caravan get underway to Vienna. As usual, they progressed slowly and arrived in the capital at 5:30 p.m. Hitler and his closest followers, including Eva Braun, moved into the Imperial Hotel. Eva Braun was Hitler’s lover and had just arrived from Munich. Hitler had supposedly spent his wretched years before the First World War in Vienna shoveling snow to earn a few pennies, and since then it was his wish to enjoy the luxury of this hotel as a guest one day.
For twelve hours, SD Führer Walter Schellenberg maintained that he was responsible for the security of the Führer in Vienna. Wolff claimed that he had also been temporarily entrusted with Hitler’s life and freedom from bodily harm. Since Hitler spent only 24 hours in Vienna—like many
Austrians from the provinces, he did not care much for the capital city—from 5:30 p.m. on March 14 to his flight at 5:00 p.m. on March 15, both gentlemen must have been competing furiously with each other on this occasion. For, despite all that has been reported about that day, neither one ever mentioned the other. Actually that responsibility must have been more symbolic than real, since the usual escort unit, the professional bodyguards, the admirers and favor seekers were naturally always present in Vienna. Accordingly, Wolff could not have done much more than serve as a coat carrier on that afternoon of March 15 following Hitler’s triumphant speech, when he was allowed to lead his Führer from the balcony of the Hofburg to Geli Raubal’s grave.