Vera (45 page)

Read Vera Online

Authors: Stacy Schiff

Véra took little pride in the correspondence, which had already, in advance of
Lolita
, threatened to overwhelm her. In one of the dozens of letters to Elena Sikorski in which Véra apologized for her authorship, she begs that Vladimir be forgiven: “
He simply does not know how to write sloppily and in a rush.” The implication was that she did. The happy valiance with which she appeared to conduct the business affairs was in truth not so simple for her. She felt that her English was second-rate, that she was “
a bad letter-writer,” that she was ill at ease in business, that she had trouble reading contracts, that her arithmetic was lame. In some of these protests a certain pragmatic disguise was in use. She was comfortable with the masquerade; the routine worked best if the expectations of her were low.

Similarly she shrank from the idea that she was the protective and adoring wife, a slavish follower of all people surnamed Nabokov. She railed against the assertion that she was “
fiercely protective of her man.” She assured agent Swifty Lazar that
Ada
was a remarkable,
a sensational, book, an evaluation that had nothing to do with her being the author's wife. When a Rutgers professor asked Nabokov to name the great untranslated titles of European fiction, Véra replied. Professor William Lamont pursued the matter, enclosing a preliminary list of his selections. Véra weighed in about Bely
and Bulgakov before adding, “
And, as you can well imagine, I consider
Zashchita Luzhina [The Defense
] by Nabokov as one of the best novels ever written in Russian.” When Lamont acknowledged that at her suggestion he had put “
your talented boy friend's novel on the list” she could barely contain her fury. (The phrase “boy friend” had not helped.) Lamont had asked her candid opinion, which she had supplied. “
In doing so, I acted as a person well at home in Russian literature, by no means as a ‘loyal and devoted wife.' ” She invited Lamont to ignore her suggestions completely, so intent was she on not being thought—despite all the assistance, the impersonations, the assumptions of his responsibilities—her husband's flack.

With intimates there was no smokescreen about the smokescreens. In October 1956 Véra advised Sylvia Berkman, “
V. was asked to suggest a candidate for [a Guggenheim] and I think I composed a very adequate letter listing your high qualifications. V. signed the letter, of course, and [the] reaction was enthusiastic.” (There was no question as to who the active force was. “Let us push now,” Véra added.)
*
She was always embarrassed to have to hold up her husband's end of the Sikorski correspondence, all the more so when she was asked to impart harsh words. “
I'm sorry for this unpleasant letter. Be angry with Volodya for it,” she begged her sister-in-law. As it was, Vladimir had expressed himself far more severely, “but I refuse to repeat it.” With friends the dual, or delegated, authorship made itself felt clearly. Letters came addressed to all sorts of entities: “Dear VVs, Dear VerVolodya, Dear Author and Mrs. Nabokov.” “
Dear V. & V.,” wrote the ever-astute Morris Bishop in 1959, “How happy is the English language in its second person plural! I need not specify if I speak to one or both of you; you blend or separate at will!” The language was as useful as it was happy. With two voices at their disposal the Nabokovs could work all kinds of effects. They could badger more tenaciously. Véra could render Vladimir more distant, his judgments more divine. “
My husband asks me to say that he thinks ULYSSES by far the greatest English novel of the century but detests FINNEGANS WAKE,” she enlightened one scholar. Some of the greatest advantages of this tango, or tangle, of pronouns would be realized only in the decades to come, when the arrangement would be refined to high art. In the 1950s, the mimetic disguise was largely a matter of convenience. For reasons of efficiency, Véra fronted for Vladimir, the man behind whom she had walked on campus for a decade.

By the time it was necessary to write Maurice Girodias—and Doussia Ergaz about Girodias—“Mrs. Vladimir Nabokov” was firmly in the saddle. The relationship with Girodias began to sour almost upon the book's publication. “Véra Nabokov” began to reason with Ergaz in November of 1956 about why the Olympia contract should be considered null and void; over the next years “Mrs. Vladimir Nabokov” wrote and signed a plump anthology of missives explaining which clause of the agreement Girodias was presently in violation of. The essential problem was not so much what was in the agreement as what was not. Girodias had bought world English-language rights in the novel; the Nabokovs were willing to fight for some share of the American rights, which they had plainly signed away. By the time U.S. publication began to look like a possibility, by the time Simon & Schuster and Random House were considering the novel, relations with Olympia had curdled. The novel had been banned in France; Nabokov had opted not to join Olympia in its litigation. Not unreasonably, Girodias felt that given his early advocacy of an unpopular cause, he deserved something for his efforts. Nabokov felt that given his publisher's dilatoriness, his casual accounting procedures—and probably too the fact that
The Whip Angels
and
Memoirs of a Woman of Pleasure
made for compromising company—Girodias was overreaching himself. He wanted only to end their association.
The situation was complicated by the ad interim copyright under which the novel was protected. If more than 1,500 copies of the book were imported into the United States, or if more than five years were to elapse without the book's being published in America, its copyright protection lapsed. The deadline was September 1960. Agreeing on a U.S. publisher for
Lolita
became not so much a luxury as a necessity. And agreeing on terms with Girodias was the first—and as it turned out the most difficult—of the mythic labors involved in publishing it.

The division of responsibility in arranging for
Lolita'
s American life, while not entirely neat, was nonetheless interesting. The letters to
Lolita's
American suitors—Ivan Obolensky, Epstein, ultimately Putnam's Walter Minton—were composed and signed by Vladimir. The threatening, cajoling, demanding letters—those warning about “the sacred figure” of 1,500 copies, that the publisher who added the book to his list would have to be one with the resources to take the litigation as far as the Supreme Court—were composed and signed by Véra. When a particularly firm hand was called for with Girodias, Vladimir stepped in; when a housekeeping matter arose, Véra stepped in. As the paper accumulated the lines blurred, and with them, in a perfectly Nabokovian way, the identities on the page. Increasingly, letters opened like this 1957 one to Epstein: “
Vladimir started this letter but had to switch to something else in a hurry, and asked me to continue on my own.”
The epistolary two-step served everyone's purposes. It also gave way to an off-putting confusion about authorship. The correspondent was left to fashion a response that would mollify, tantalize, charm two parties, a game that involved some subtle guesswork as well as some delicate phrasing. Many of the hallmarks of Nabokov's fiction—the doppelgängers, the impersonators, the Siamese twins, the mirror images, the distorted mirror images, the reflections in the windowpane, the parodies of self—manifested themselves in the routine the couple developed for dealing with the world, a routine that could leave a correspondent feeling as the books can: humbled by one knotty, magnificent inside joke.

Only on the telephone did Véra's flutey, lightly accented voice ring loud and clear—and unaccompanied. Whenever possible Vladimir shunned that instrument, delegating the foggy realm of “space spooks” to his wife. He found long-distance calls particularly abhorrent. He informed an editor that while he enjoyed their telephonic visits, he
instantly forgot half of what the editor said and seven-eighths of what he himself said. Especially as his words became more sought after and the need to choose them carefully that much greater, the solution was to entrust all space-spook scuffling to Véra. “
V hates the telephone—so I had to call,” she noted flatly, when the first
Lolita
-related query arrived from Hollywood. Later, when Vladimir wanted information on the film of the novel, he asked Stanley Kubrick if he would mind terribly talking to him by phone through Véra. He promised he would remain at her side throughout the conversation. When William Maxwell telephoned the Nabokovs in Switzerland from
The New Yorker's
offices, Véra was put in charge of explaining to him that her husband's “
communicatory neurosis” had prevented him from taking the call. The same neurosis would not interfere with his dictating to his wife a letter about the publication of
Eugene Onegin
, which she wrote out longhand, from a hospital room thirty-five miles away.

Increasingly Véra began to step out from behind the typewriter. She was by now perfectly at ease on the page in English, though her English was always a little stiff, and Russian remained the language she spoke with her husband. All of the publishers who attempted to pry
Lolita's
American rights from Girodias's clutches discovered that Vladimir
conferred with her on every detail. She was active in the negotiating; just after Christmas 1957, Minton announced that he was “
making one last appeal to M. Gerodias [sic], along the lines that Mrs. Nabokov suggested.” (This did not prove the winning strategy, which Minton has described as having been far simpler: “
I just lied my head off to both of them.”
*
Girodias was insisting on half the proceeds;
Nabokov was insisting on a 10 percent royalty. Minton offered a 17½ percent royalty and simply failed to reveal to either party the other's share.) He would conclude that
Véra was to blame for most of the difficulties with Girodias. “She is a lovely lady of a very actively suspicious turn of mind which just complements her husband's,” he warned the Parisian publisher, when the disposition of British rights in the book created additional friction. (Girodias had already concluded that Véra was a force to be reckoned with, and that the couple lived in a state of complete osmosis.) It was true that Véra had begun, even semiprivately, to refer to the French publisher as Girodias the Gangster. It is also true that what looked dubious from one angle was instinctively sound from another. But Nabokov's wife was not Caesar's: She was never above suspicion. Ivan Obolensky was persuaded that Véra had single-handedly botched his negotiation.

Slowly she had been coaxed out of the wings—by the pressure of work, by her devotion, by the demands of an exceptional novel. Inadvertently, “Mrs. Vladimir Nabokov” had made a name for herself. Not that this spelled an end to the counterfeit letters, which she continued to issue, the disguise becoming more and more artful. Even in the late 1950s something more variegated yet could be produced. The correspondence with Dmitri—over these years to consist largely of one long, heartfelt plea to spend less, drive more slowly, translate more quickly, and above all spend less—fell to Véra. On one occasion she yielded her pen to, or forced it upon, Vladimir, who dispensed the habitual wisdoms. “
Mama is angry and doesn't want to write,” he explained at the end of the missive, typed by the person who had not wanted to set words to paper. This was Véra affording herself a great luxury, which she rarely did. In February 1958, as the Nabokovs settled into their last Ithaca house, as Minton cabled Girodias that he had reached an agreement with all parties, as the French Minister of the Interior lifted its ban on the novel, as the Lermontov translation appeared in Ithaca bookstores, she who had for so long been hovering “
beneath the word, above the syllable” was now very much in evidence. She was just as often misunderstood—Obolensky was as certain she was French as some Cornellians had been that she was a German princess—but she was at least now the shadowy figure in the foreground. She had emerged just in time for the arrival of Hurricane Lolita, which would have flushed her out anyway.

*
As the scholar Carl Proffer has pointed out, “
Spousal censorship in Russia is at least as old as Dostoyevsky's second wife.” She did a fine job on his diary, stopping just short of the ink Bulgakov's wife strategically spilled on her husband's more compromising pages.

*
As with much concerning the couple, this made for a baroque arrangement. When a journalist noted that Véra occasionally censored her husband's conversation—the journalist felt she was very much understating the case—Vladimir, who had approval of the text, censored out the description of his wife censoring him, thereby effectively censoring her censoring.

*
Lena still did not know the fate of the husband whom she had left, but whom she valiantly defended, and who had disappeared during the war. Véra expressed no curiosity about him whatever. For reasons that are unclear but probably had to do with rumors swirling in Berlin, she seems to have shared Sonia's low opinion of Massalsky.

*
The schedules nearly prove the undoing of Gradus in
Pale Fire
, to whom they seem the work of a practical joker.

†
Their permanent address at Cornell was Goldwin Smith Hall. Partly to distinguish himself from the linguists on campus, whose headquarters were elsewhere, Nabokov went so far as to call himself a Goldwin Smith man. For once his scholarship failed him. He would hardly have done so had he known that Goldwin Smith, a British historian who had taught at Cornell between 1868 and 1871 and left the school his fortune, had written some wholly unsavory things about Russian Jews, especially about the “prosperous usurers” of the Pale.

*
Four days after Véra wrote her letter, Lattimore was indicted on seven counts of perjury. The charges were later dismissed. Véra's enthusiasms, if ever she spoke of them, could not have endeared her to Edmund Wilson, whose
Memoirs of Hecate County
McCarthy had attacked as pro-Communist.

*
The Russian word
printsipialnost
has been defined as “a mental habit of referring every matter, however small, concrete, or trivial, to lofty and abstract principles.”

*
The Triumph was replaced by a custom-tailored Alfa Romeo TZ, in which Dmitri raced successfully in 1964 and 1965. He also twice flew off competitive tracks at top speed in the car, sustaining only minor injuries.

†
In the spring of 1949, contemplating a trip to Teton National Park, Nabokov had written to a fellow lepidopterist: “
My wife has some timorous questions about grizzlies.” The colleague responded that Véra had nothing to fear from bears, but should know how to comport herself in the presence of a moose. (Give it a wide berth.)

*
According to Nabokov's diary, it had been begun exactly five years earlier.

*
The situation was a delicate one. Nabokov had an obligation to show the magazine the work, which he knew they could not publish but which he needed for them to refuse—secretly if possible—before he could submit it elsewhere.

†

Would we like our sons to marry Emma Rouault, Becky Sharp, or
La belle dame sans merci
?” Vladimir retorted.

*
Cursing the public's naïve inability to distinguish author from protagonist, she acknowledged that the conflation could result in some “
unpleasantness.” She thought this naivete a particularly American trait. In Sweden her sister railed against her new countrymen for the same reason. Carl Proffer made the same observation about the Russian mind, secure in its conviction that “
reality always lies just under the surface of fiction.” Even Nadezhda Mandelstam would assure Proffer that “in her mind there was no doubt that the man who wrote
Lolita
could not have done so unless he had in his soul those same disgraceful feelings for little girls.”

*
Brockway seemed the perfect reader. He was something of the in-house pundit at Simon & Schuster but worked primarily out-of-house, as a freelance editor, and would therefore have been less likely to share the manuscript with the wrong readers. He proved very discreet indeed.

†
They were never published as such.

*
Taos “is a dismal hole full of third-rate painters and faded pansies,” her husband apprised Wilson.

*
Five years later,
Lady Chatterley's Lover
would fall victim to the U.S. Post. In 1953 a Cornell literary magazine had been deemed unsuitable for mailing and confiscated.

†
In the course of these months Straus had, on his lawyers' advice, also resisted Wilson's campaign to reissue
Hecate
. The fates of the two novels were to remain curiously tangled.

*
At times in 1955 it seemed that everyone in New York had read or was reading the manuscript. Which may explain why the August 27, 1955,
New Yorker
carried
a Dorothy Parker short story about another widow, her maiden daughter, that daughter's suitor, and the romance that blossomed in the suitor's car. The story has nothing more in common with Nabokov's—in fact it is almost antithetical to the tale he forged from the same elements—save for one curious detail: It takes its title from the name of its heroine, Lolita. Vladimir noted as much with “
a yelp of distress.” White
firmly reassured him that his suspicions were unjustified. She further assured him that as his book was to appear soon, and as everyone knows books are long in preparation, at least no one would think
he
had lifted the title from Parker. Nothing could have been further from his mind.

†
It had been eight years since Nabokov had failed to grasp the merits of
Memoirs of Hecate County
, into which Wilson had even inserted an allusion to his Russian friend. He told Wilson he thought the work a
failed tribute to
Fanny Hill
; Wilson would say the same of
Lolita
.

*
Doubtless this was the same fictional publisher who suggested Nabokov salvage
The Defense
by transforming the chess-playing Luzhin into a demented violinist.

†
He had at least one clue. Ergaz had written that the house she had in mind for the manuscript was one that published works that “
one would not dare publish” in England.

*
Girodias's ability to summon such masterpieces into existence was ingeniously simple. He would presell the volumes to a select clientele, lured with titles and blurbs of his invention, for works like
White Thighs, The Sexual Life of Robinson Crusoe
, etc. Once the orders arrived he advanced funds to his authors, who “hastened to turn in manuscripts which more or less fitted the descriptions.”

*
He appears to have felt differently about affixing his name to the novel in 1955 than he had in 1954, when he regularly claimed that he might well change his mind in a year's time. Aside from his frustration level, the only factor that may have played a role in his decision was Dmitri's law school application, which would have been pending in the winter/spring of 1954–55. Dmitri disagrees that his application would in any way have influenced his father's actions.

†
Neither author nor publisher considered three small matters at the time the contract was drafted: that the novel had any commercial potential whatever; that it might ever be published in America; that its film rights were of any value. Girodias braced himself to lose a fortune, convinced the novel was far too beautiful, too subtle, to sell.

*
When the Olympia edition went on display at the
Ithaca Public Library, Véra called Alison Bishop in a panic; Morris must have them remove it at once, at least until the book was proved to be great art. As both Bishops were in bed with pneumonia, neither was able to rise to her assistance.

*
John Gordon's words, in part: “
Sheer unrestrained pornography … The entire book is devoted to an ex haustive, uninhibited, and utterly disgusting description of his [Humbert's] pursuits and successes. It is published in France. Anyone who published or sold it here would certainly go to prison.” A whole echo chamber of ironies surrounded
Lolita's
introduction to America, not the least resonant of which sounded with Harvey Breit's influential voice:
He had himself written pornography for a dollar a page.

†
It was Raymond Queneau, future father of
Zazie dans le métro
, who convinced the firm to do so.

‡
On this count the Nabokovs were mistaken. In the eyes of the court, comedy and tragedy made no difference. Literary merit was—or was hoped to be—the only defense.

§
The cabin was perfectly isolated, but the Nabokovs entertained at least one visitor this summer, a
washing machine repairman who did nothing to alter Véra's opinion of those amazing Americans. He told the couple of his visits with the people in the flying saucers, who would not show their hands when they talked. “What language did they speak?” demanded Vladimir.

*
She was not alone in this habit. “
How persistently our poet evokes images of winter in the beginning of a poem which he started composing on a balmy summer night!” exclaims Kinbote in
Pale Fire
.

†
Its publishing history too proved complicated, partly because of Vladimir's demands, partly on account of the manuscript's girth. Cornell University Press could not settle on terms that would prove both financially viable and acceptable to the author. The labor of love was published finally by the Bollingen Series which, as Morris Bishop dryly observed, “
loves to lose money.”

*
When finally in 1957 he did read the book, Bishop resisted its charms. “
Nabokov's
Pnin
is a shimmering delight. His
Lolita
is not,” he concluded.

†
The real-life echoes appear to have enhanced Vladimir's enjoyment of that acclaim. In October 1957 the Nabokovs had a drink with Colgate College's Albert Parry, who had been the lone voice in America to place a bet on a distant dark horse named V. Sirin in 1933. By 1957 all had come full circle; his prediction had been amply fulfilled. Are you angry with me about
Pnin?
Nabokov asked Parry at the time. The Colgate professor looked puzzled. “
Oh, well, every Russian who teaches Russian subjects in America sees himself in Pnin and is even quite cross with me,” Vladimir explained. When Parry said he had no such illusions and was not angry, the novelist looked crestfallen.

†
John Cheever won, for
The Wapshot Chronicle
. Nabokov was one of two St. Petersburg natives on the shortlist; Ayn Rand was also nominated, for
Atlas Shrugged
.

*
There was huge and sad irony in the fact that Wilson, who had done so much for Nabokov's publishing history, should now prove inadvertently to be standing in his friend's way.

*
It bears a dedication to “The memory of my mother,” but cannot precisely be said to be the only work dedicated to someone other than Véra, to whom the English-language edition is dedicated.

*
As “Mrs. Véra Nabokov” she
more gently suggested to another student that he would be doing himself a favor by appealing to a different instructor for a reference letter.

*
The Guggenheim letter, reprinted in
Vladimir Nabokov: Selected Letters 1940–1977
, is signed “Vladimir Nabokov.” He is almost certainly responsible for its second half, in which he wondered after his eligibility for a third fellowship.

*
Reminded of this later, Minton revised his statement to: “I didn't lie. I just did not tell them all the details.”

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