39
See age distribution figures in the 1946 census.
40
Georges Blond,
Pétain
(Paris, 1966), 468–69, attributes this text to Henri Massis.
41
République française. Haute Cour de Justice.
Procès du Maréchal Pétain
(Paris, 1945), 9.
42
Le Procès Laval
; Guy Raïssac,
Combat sans merci
(Paris, 1966), 403. Among memoirs, see, e.g., Yves Bouthillier,
Le Drame de Vichy
(Paris, 1950), I, 138, on “la politique du bouclier,” and II, 280; Pierre Pucheu,
Ma Vie
(Paris, 1948), 287; Pierre Cathala,
Face aux réalités
(Paris, 1948), 102–5; Raïssac,
Combat
, 370.
43
Robert Aron,
Histoire de Vichy
(Paris, 1954), 736. See also Guy Raïssac,
Combat
, 23, 348, on Vichy leaders’ “louable desseins de tempérer les épreuves.”
44
I have accepted the figures of Karl Brandt,
Management of Agriculture and Food in the German-Occupied and Other Areas of Fortress Europe
(Stanford, Calif., 1953), passim; League of Nations Economic, Financial, and Transit Dept.,
Food, Famine, and Relief, 1940–46
(Geneva, 1946), 4.
45
Brandt, 33, 564.
46
See
this page
Abetz (Paris 2857) to Berlin of 7 July 1942 (T-120/434/220101–5).
47
For the food delivery negotiations of July–August 1942, see T-120/434.
48
Pierre Cathala,
Face aux réalités
(Paris, 1948), 84. A. J. Brown,
The Great Inflation
(Oxford, 1955), 304–5.
49
Alfred Munz,
Die Auswirkungen der deutscher Besetzung auf Währung und Finanzen Frankreichs.
Studien des Instituts für Besatzungsfragen in Tübingen zu den deutschen Besetzungen im 2. Weltkrieg, 9 (Tübingen, 1947), 76; Cour des comptes,
Rapport au président de la République, 1940–45
, 25;
Ministère public c/Bouthillier
, fasc. 2, 74 ff.; Weizsäcker files,
passim.
50
The Ostland Company settled German farmers on some 166,000 hectares in the departments of the Ardennes, Meuse, Meurthe-et-Moselle, Vosges, Haute-Saône, Doubs, and parts of the Aisne, Somme, and Jura. Cour des Comptes,
Rapport au président de la république, 1940–45.
See map in Brandt, 486.
51
For economic and political draft peace terms, see the Foreign Office “Friedensverhandlungen mit Frankreich” files: T-120/365, 368. See also Ribbentrop’s “Grosswirtschaftsraum” file, T-120/830.
52
Various German proposals and opinions about the future of France (there was no settled policy for the eventual peace settlement) are ably summarized in Eberhard Jäckel,
La France dans l’Europe de Hitler
(Paris, 1968). See also the work of the army officer who drafted the armistice terms, [Colonel] Hermann Böhme,
Entstehung und Grundlagen des Waffenstillstandes von 1940
(Stuttgart, 1960), for Hitler’s intentions in the summer of 1940.
53
Vichy protested more vigorously over German measures in Alsace-Lorraine than over any other issue except the execution of hostages. See
DFCAA
, II, 383–86;
DGFP
, Series D, XI, documents no. 271, 331, 354, 526; T-77/OKW-1444/5,594,611; T-120/4634/E208639 ff; and T-120/368/passim. For Laval’s acceptance of the loss of Alsace, see his conversation with Grimm on 28 August 1940 (T-120/2624H/D525934–37), his United Press interview of May 1941 (
Le Temps
, 28 May 1941), and his proposals of November 1942 for a German territorial guarantee (T-120/926/297075–76). For Darlan, see the Paris Protocol negotiations of May–July 1941. Vichy even had the support of Otto Abetz, who feared the repercussions of German policy in Alsace-Lorraine upon improved Franco-German relations in late 1940. See Abetz (Paris) 1049 of 31 October 1940 (T-120/121/120107–8). The Militärbefehlshaber and the Armistice Commission were opposed to possible further expulsions in August 1941 (T-120/855/285106; T-77/OKW-1444/5,594,613–14).
54
Laval testimony in
Procès Pétain
, 206. Less absurd but erroneous figures were published later in
Laval parle
, 130, and Pierre Cathala,
Face aux réaltiés
(Paris, 1948), 102, where it is claimed that while 50 to 80 per 1,000 of the total population of Belgium, Holland, and Poland were sent to work in German factories, only 13 per 1,000 of the French population were forced to work in Germany. Cathala, 105, then repeats Laval’s claim to have “saved ⅘ of the French.”
55
Le Procès de Xavier Vallat présenté par ses amis
(Paris, 1948), 117–18.
56
Edward L. Homze,
Foreign Labor in Nazi Germany
(Princeton, N.J., 1966), 148, 200.
57
Schleier (Paris) 449 to Krug von Nidda (Vichy), 24 April 1942; Schleier (Paris) 526 to Krug von Nidda (Vichy), 5 May 1942. Centre de Documentation Juive Contemporaine, Paris, document nos. CLXXXIV-23, 24.
58
Homze, 195. Sauckel’s Anordung Nr. 4 is found in T-120/5636/E407359–68.
59
Pierre Cathala,
Face aux réaltiés
(Paris, 1948), 97 ff.
60
Schleier (Vichy) 1842 to Paris, 6 October 1942 (T-120/5367/E407490–91). Schleier talked to Pétain too.
61
The whole labor question is best followed in the files of the German embassy in Paris: Deutscher Botschaft, Paris—T-120/5635H, 5636H, 5637H, and in Edward L. Homze,
Foreign Labor in Nazi Germany
(Princeton, 1966), chap. 9. Homze’s data, drawn mostly from Berlin materials, needs to be supplemented with the local perspective of the Paris embassy.
62
For the 4 Sept. 1942 law, see T-120/4634/E208594–602.
63
Figures from Homze, 195; the calculations are mine.
64
For Speer, see footnote 59, on
this page
. Homze, 224–25, estimates that 14–20 percent of factories in Italy and France were earmarked “Speerbetriebe.” Laval and Cathala,
Face aux réalités
, tried to claim credit for Speer’s policy, and that no doubt would also have been a defense of Bichelonne had he not died in Germany in 1945 before standing trial. STO figures used here for 1944 are taken from Jacques Desmarest,
La Politique de la main-d’oeuvre en France
(Paris, 1946), 176 ff. They do not include the number of prisoners of war also working in the Reich.
65
I have accepted the figures in R. Hilberg,
The Destruction of the European Jews
(Chicago, 1961), 670, which show that the prewar Jewish population of Holland had declined at the Liberation by 86 percent, Belgium by 55 percent, Norway by 50 percent, Italy by 35 percent, France by 26 percent and Denmark by 15.4 percent (my percentages). Concentrated in Amsterdam, the Dutch Jews were the most vulnerable; 105,000 out of 140,000 perished. Werner Warmbrunn,
The Dutch under German Occupation
(Stanford, California 1963), 12, 35, 61 ff., 165 ff. There seem to be no figures in German archives distinguishing between French citizens and refugees in France among the victims of the Final Solution.
66
For Laval’s threat to resign on 27 August 1942, see Schleier (Paris) 928 to Krug von Nidda (Vichy), 4 September 1942 (T-120/5637H/E407374–76). For a more typical Laval technique, warning the Germans that public opinion might become so hostile that he would be imprisoned and hence unable to help serve Germany further, see Schleier (Paris) 6280 to Berlin, 31 December 1942 (T-120/935/298646–48).
67
Louis Adolphe Thiers,
Notes et souvenirs
(
1870–73
) (Paris, 1904), 113.
68
A. J. Brown,
The Great Inflation
(Oxford, 1955), 304–5. It increased far more rapidly during 1945–48 than it had during the war, although Yves Bouthillier exaggerates his success in
Le Drame de l’armistice.
69
Abetz (Paris) 2857 to Berlin, 7 July 1942 (T-120/434/220101–5). Abetz was torn between his orders to keep French wages lower than German, to encourage volunteers to work in Germany, and his efforts to prove to France that national socialism was “not reactionary.”
70
Although the Vichy regime did not repeal the forty-hour law or the paid-vacation law of the Popular Front, it used decree power (as the Reynaud and Daladier governments had done) to authorize longer hours. The best source for unemployment statistics under Vichy is Jacques Desmarest,
La politique de la main-d’oeuvre
(Paris, 1945), 126 ff. The work week grew from an average 35.6 hours in December 1940 to 46.2 hours in March 1944. Institut national de la statistique et des études économiques,
Mouvement économique en France de 1938 à 1948
(Paris, 1950), 62–63.
71
For the wartime position of French farmers, see Pierre Barral,
Les Agrariens de Méline à Pisani
(Paris, 1966), Gordon Wright,
Rural Revolution in France
(Stanford, Calif., 1964), and Michel Cépède,
Agriculture et alimentation en France pendant la IIe guerre mondiale
(Paris, 1961). Thirty-six percent of prisoners of war were from the agricultural sector.
Mouvement économique 1938–46
, 63.
72
Production figures for the occupation period, organized by industry, appear in Institut National de la Statistique et des Etudes Economiques,
Annuaire statistique
, vol. 57 (1946), Résumé rétrospectif, 100–7.
73
State bond quotations appear in the
Annuaire statistique, 1946
, 149–57, along with selected stock prices. Yves Bouthillier,
Le Drame l’armistice
(Paris, 1950), 12.
74
Cour des Comptes,
Rapport au président de la république pour les années 1940–44
(Paris, 1945), 8.
75
Cour des Comptes,
Rapport au président de la république pour les années 1940–44
, (Paris, 1945), 22.
76
For Brinon,
Les Procès de la collaboration
(Paris, 1948), 81–87; for Darnand, ibid., 279, 317, 319.
77
See, for example, Georges Blond,
Pétain
(Paris, 1966); Jean Tournoux,
Pétain et De Gaulle
(Paris, 1966); Guy Raïssac,
Un Combat sans Merci
(Paris, 1966).
78
See the Krug-Pétain meetings of 9 February 1943 (T-120/1832 H/418618–20) and 22 August 1943 (T-120/3546 H/E022155–56).
APPENDICES,
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
Appendix A
The War Question of January 1942