Authors: Henry Kissinger
“
contained by the adroit and vigilant application
”: “X” [George F. Kennan], “The Sources of Soviet Conduct,”
Foreign Affairs
25, no. 4 (July 1947).
“
the unity and efficacy of the Party
”: Ibid.
“
The question is asked
”: Robert Rhodes James, ed.,
Winston S. Churchill: His Complete Speeches, 1897–1963
(New York: Chelsea House, 1974), 7:7710.
“
freedom under a government of laws
”: A Report to the National Security Council by the Executive
Secretary on United States Objectives and Programs for National Security, NSC-68 (April 14, 1950), 7.
“
difficult for many to understand
”: John Foster Dulles, “Foundations of Peace” (address to the Veterans of Foreign Wars, New York, August 18, 1958).
Should the victorious army cross
: George H. W. Bush faced a similar issue after Saddam Hussein’s forces had been expelled from Kuwait in 1991.
“
If the American imperialists are victorious
”: Shen Zhihua,
Mao, Stalin, and the Korean War: Trilateral Communist Relations in the 1950s,
trans. Neil Silver (London: Routledge, 2012), 140.
“
indeed the focus of the struggles in the world
”: Chen Jian,
China’s Road to the Korean War: The Making of the Sino-American Confrontation
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), 149–50. On the Chinese leadership’s analysis of the war and its regional implications, see also Sergei N. Goncharov, John W. Lewis, and Xue Litai,
Uncertain Partners: Stalin, Mao, and the Korean War
(Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1993); Henry Kissinger,
On China
(New York: Penguin Press, 2011), chap. 5; Shen,
Mao, Stalin, and the Korean War;
and Shu Guang Zhang,
Mao’s Military Romanticism: China and the Korean War, 1950–1953
(Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1995).
Considerations such as these induced Mao
: See
Chapter 5
.
“
the wrong war, at the wrong place
”: General Omar N. Bradley, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, testimony before the Senate Committees on Armed Services and Foreign Relations, May 15, 1951, in
Military Situation in the Far East
, hearings, 82nd Cong., 1st sess., pt. 2, 732 (1951).
Charges of immorality
: See Peter Braestrup,
Big Story: How the American Press and Television Reported and Interpreted the Crisis of Tet 1968 in Vietnam and Washington
(Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1977); Robert Elegant, “How to Lose a War: The Press and Viet Nam,”
Encounter
(London), August 1981, 73–90; Guenter Lewy,
America in Vietnam
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1978), 272–79, 311–24.
“
We must remember the only time
”: “An Interview with the President: The Jury Is Out,”
Time,
January 3, 1972.
“
prepared to establish a dialogue with Peking
”: Richard Nixon,
U.S. Foreign Policy for the 1970’s: Building for Peace: A Report to the Congress, by Richard Nixon, President of the United States,
February 25, 1971, 107. To this point, American government documents had referred to “Communist China” or had spoken generally of authorities in Beijing or (the Nationalist name for the city) Beiping.
“
any sense of satisfaction
”: Richard Nixon, Remarks to Midwestern News Media Executives Attending a Briefing on Domestic Policy in Kansas City, Missouri, July 6, 1971, in
Public Papers of the Presidents,
805–6.
These phrases, commonplace today
: See Kissinger,
On China,
chap. 9.
“
only if we act greatly
”: Richard Nixon, Second Inaugural Address, January 20, 1973, in
My Fellow Americans,
333.
“
our instinct that we knew what was best for others
”: Richard Nixon,
U.S. Foreign Policy for the 1970’s: Building for Peace,
10.
“
The second element of a durable peace
”: Richard Nixon,
U.S. Foreign Policy for the 1970’s: A New Strategy for Peace,
February 18, 1970, 9.
“
All nations, adversaries and friends
”: Richard Nixon,
U.S. Foreign Policy for the 1970’s: Shaping a Durable Peace,
May 3, 1973, 232–33.
“
I’ve spoken of the shining city
”: Ronald Reagan, Farewell Address to the American People, January 11, 1989, in
In the Words of Ronald Reagan: The
Wit, Wisdom, and Eternal Optimism of America’s 40th President
, ed. Michael Reagan (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 2004), 34.
“
I have a gut feeling I’d like to talk
”: Ronald Reagan,
An American Life
(New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990), 592.
“
the helicopter would descend
”: Lou Cannon,
President Reagan: The Role of a Lifetime
(New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990), 792.
“
governments which rest upon the consent
”: Ronald Reagan, Address Before a Joint Session of Congress on the State of the Union, January 25, 1984, in
The Public Papers of President Ronald W. Reagan,
Ronald Reagan Presidential Library.
“
commonwealth of freedom
”: George H. W. Bush, Remarks to the Federal Assembly in Prague, Czechoslovakia, November 17, 1990, accessed online at Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, eds.,
The American Presidency Project
.
“
great and growing strength
”: Ibid.
“
beyond containment and to a policy
”: George H. W. Bush, Remarks at Maxwell Air Force Base War College, Montgomery, Alabama, April 13, 1991, in Michael D. Gambone,
Small Wars: Low-Intensity Threats and the American Response Since Vietnam
(Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 2012), 121.
“
enlargement
”: “Confronting the Challenges of a Broader World,” President Clinton Address to the UN General Assembly, New York City, September 27, 1993, in
Department of State Dispatch
4, no. 39 (September 27, 1993).
“
a world of thriving democracies
”: Ibid.
“
Deliver to United States authorities
”: George W. Bush, Presidential Address to a Joint Session of Congress, September 20, 2001, in
We Will Prevail: President George W. Bush on War, Terrorism, and Freedom
(New York: Continuum, 2003), 13.
“
These carefully targeted actions
”: George W. Bush, Presidential Address to the Nation, October 7, 2001, in ibid., 33.
“
the establishment of a broad-based
”: “Agreement on Provisional Arrangements in Afghanistan Pending the Re-establishment of Permanent Government Institutions,” December 5, 2001, UN Peacemaker online archive.
“
to support the Afghan Transitional Authority
”: UN Security Council Resolution 1510 (October 2003).
No institutions in the history
: Surely it was telling that even while calling for gender sensitivity in the new regime, the drafters at Bonn felt obliged to praise the “Afghan mujahidin … heroes of jihad.”
“
Except at harvest-time
”: Winston Churchill,
My Early Life
(New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1930), 134.
Belgian neutrality
: See
Chapter 2
.
“
on the same side—united by common dangers
”:
The National Security Strategy of the United States of America
(2002).
“
Iraqi democracy will succeed
”: George W. Bush, Remarks by the President at the 20th Anniversary of the National Endowment for Democracy, United States Chamber of Commerce, Washington, D.C. (November 6, 2003).
UN Security Council Resolution 687 of 1991
: UN Security Council Resolution 687 of 1991 made the end of hostilities in the first Gulf War conditional on the immediate destruction by Iraq of its stock of weapons of mass destruction and a commitment never to develop such weapons again. Iraq did not comply with Resolution 687. As early as August 1991, the Security Council declared Iraq in “material breach” of its obligations. In the years following the Gulf War, ten more Security Council resolutions would attempt to bring Iraq into compliance with the cease-fire terms. The Security Council found in later resolutions that Saddam Hussein “ultimately ceased all cooperation with UNSCOM [the UN Special Commission charged with weapons
inspections] and the IAEA [International Atomic Energy Agency] in 1998,” expelling the UN inspectors the cease-fire had obliged him to accept.
In November 2002, the Security Council passed Resolution 1441, “deploring” Iraq’s decade of noncompliance, deciding that “Iraq has been and remains in material breach of its obligations under relevant resolutions.” Chief inspector Hans Blix, not an advocate for war, reported to the Security Council in January 2003 that Baghdad had failed to resolve outstanding questions and inconsistencies.
The world will long debate the implications of this military action and the strategy pursued in the subsequent effort to bring about democratic governance in Iraq. Yet this debate, and its implications for future violations of international nonproliferation principles, will remain distorted so long as the multilateral background is omitted.
“
The United States wants Iraq
”: William J. Clinton, Statement on Signing the Iraq Liberation Act of 1998, October 31, 1998.
“
a forward strategy of freedom
”: Remarks by the President at the 20th Anniversary of the National Endowment for Democracy, Washington, D.C., November 6, 2003.
“
this war is lost and the surge
”: Peter Baker,
Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House
(New York: Doubleday, 2013), 542.
“
If we’re not there to win
”: Ibid., 523.
“
Americans, being a moral people
”: George Shultz, “Power and Diplomacy in the 1980s,” Washington, D.C., April 3, 1984,
Department of State Bulletin
, vol. 84, no. 2086 (May 1984), 13.
Strategic stability was defined
: For a review of these theoretical explorations, see Michael Gerson, “The Origins of Strategic Stability: The United States and the Threat of Surprise Attack,” in
Strategic Stability: Contending Interpretations,
ed. Elbridge Colby and Michael Gerson (Carlisle, Pa: Strategic Studies Institute and U.S. Army War College Press, 2013); Michael Quinlan,
Thinking About Nuclear Weapons: Principles, Problems, Prospects
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009).
When, in the 1950s, Mao spoke
: See
Chapter 6
.
But neither side
: Much has since been written about the U.S. “nuclear alert” during the 1973 Middle East crisis. In fact, its principal purpose was to alert conventional forces—the Sixth Fleet and an airborne division—to deter a Brezhnev threat in a letter to Nixon that he might send Soviet divisions to the Middle East. The increase in the readiness of strategic forces was marginal and probably not noticed in Moscow.
Reflecting in the 1960s
: C. A. Mack, “Fifty Years of Moore’s Law,”
IEEE Transactions on Semiconductor Manufacturing
24, no. 2 (May 2011): 202–7.
The revolution in computing
: For mostly optimistic reviews of these developments, see Rick Smolan and Jennifer Erwitt, eds.,
The Human Face of Big Data
(Sausalito, Calif.: Against All Odds, 2013); and Eric Schmidt and Jared Cohen,
The New Digital Age: Reshaping the Future of People, Nations and Business
(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2013). For more critical perspectives, see Jaron Lanier,
Who Owns the Future?
(New York: Simon & Schuster, 2013); Evgeny Morozov,
The Net Delusion: The Dark Side of Internet Freedom
(New York: PublicAffairs, 2011); and
To Save Everything, Click Here: The Folly of Technological Solutionism
(New York: PublicAffairs, 2013).
Cyberspace—a word coined
: Norbert Wiener introduced the term “cyber” in his 1948 book,
Cybernetics,
though in reference to human beings rather than computers as nodes of communication.
The word “cyberspace” in something approaching its current usage came about in the work of several science fiction authors in the 1980s.
As tasks that were primarily manual
: Viktor Mayer-Schönberger and Kenneth Cukier,
Big Data: A Revolution That Will Transform How We Live, Work, and Think
(Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2013), 73–97.
“
smart door locks, toothbrushes
”: Don Clark, “ ‘Internet of Things’ in Reach,”
Wall Street Journal,
January 5, 2014.