76
Examples of solicitous inquiry include
Chia-pien
436, HJ6782 (referring to whether the Fang would “
tun
” the Chou), and
T’ieh
26.1 (whether the Kuan would harm them). In aggregate the king was interested in such developments, though perhaps only because any reduction in potential threats might be welcome. However, he might equally have ordered an assault and been wondering about the results. For example, Lin Hsiao-an (272) interprets HJ6825 as a solicitous inquiry, but Fan Yü-chou (1991, 224) sees the Ch’üan, a satellite of the Shang, acting on the latter’s behalf (as on another occasion) and the inquiry being directed to the question of their probable success in harming the Chou. (Some disagreement has plagued the transcription of state names in these inscriptions.)
77
For example, see
T’ieh
128.2 and
Ch’ien
6.63.1. (Both
ming
[mandate] and
ling
[order] appear in the inscriptions.)
78
See Lin Hsiao-an, 246. Examples of the Chou mounting a strike on behalf of the Shang are
Yi-pien
7312 and
Ping-pien
289, where they seem to be acting as a vanguard for the Ch’üan, who must have reverted to submissive status. (For additional evidence of the Chou acting as a battlefield ally see David N. Keightley, EC 5 [1979-1980]: 25-34, where he notes inscriptions that he translates as “Order Chou to follow Yung’s foot,” “Order Chou to lead the (
to-
)
tzu-tsu
(?) and raid,” as well as indirect charges that someone should “order Chou” to do something.)
79
Most analysts, including Lin Hsiao-an, 272, and Fan Yü-chou, 224, date the clash with the Chou to late in Wu Ting’s era, but a few, such as P’eng Yü-shang (1994, 153), attribute it to the middle part based on various queries belonging to the Pin diviner group. (Key inscriptions for the conflict are reprised in Ch’en Meng-chia, 1988, 291-292, 492; Chang Ping-ch’üan, 1988, 321, 435, 492; Fan Yü-chou, 224-225; Wang Yü-hsin, 1991, 166ff.; and P’eng Yü-shang, 150-151.)
80
HJ6825 per Fan Yü-chou, 224. Based on numerous inscriptions in which various forces
p’u
the Chou, Ch’en Meng-chia (291-292) claims that the character “
p’u
,” which apparently signifies a sudden, vehement strike as in HJ6812, appears in oracle bone inscriptions only in reference to the Chou. Although he doesn’t draw any particular conclusion from this, it implies that they were targeted with particular ferocity even though other enemies suffered more horrendous fates. However, others have transcribed this character as
k’ou
, meaning to plunder or invade, a somewhat less severe term, though other strong characters such as
shun
,
tun
, and
tsai
are also found in the inscriptions.
82
HJ6812
cheng
, and also HJ6813, HJ6814, HJ6815, and
Hsü
984.
84
See Fan Yü-chou, 1991, 225; HJ6816, HJ6817, HJ6818, HJ6819, HJ6821, HJ6822, and HJ6825. The
tuo yin
were also dispatched on one occasion.
85
Wang Yü-hsin, 1991, 169, cites HJ6782 (which preserves an inquiry about the Fang “severely assaulting” [
shun
] the Chou) as typical of Shang regal concern over the fate of its allies and evidence that the Chou had been subdued early in the last part of Wu Ting’s reign. However, being fragmentary, it may simply be another example of the king inquiring about the prospective success of a commander dispatched to inflict just such damage.
86
However, based on attributing several inscriptions to the reigns of Wu Yi and Wen Ting, Chang Ping-ch’üan, 1988, 496, concludes that the Chou was among the states attacked in the relatively active fourth period. This would require ascribing many of the inscriptions already noted to this period.
87
Divination strips supposedly attributable to their stay at Pin have recently been discovered. See Hu Ch’ien-ying, KK 2005:6, 74-86.
88
Wang Yü-hsin, 1991, 166; Fan Yü-chou, 1991, 225.
89
See Fan Yü-chou, 225, based on Yang Shu-ta. However,
Mencius
merely mentions the Ti, so any identification of them as the Ch’üan, however well constructed, is speculative.
90
Yang K’uan,
Hsi-Chou Shih
, 38-40, may well be correct in concluding that this conflict represents another, distinctive event that unfolded when Shang central authority broke down under Wu Yi’s dissolute and repressive rule (as indicated in the more nebulous “Hsi-Ch’iangch’uan” in the
Hou-Han-shu
), but it seems unlikely that the same sequence of attacks would have been repeated. Rather, attributing the event to Wu Yi’s reign is more likely to be erroneous. Conversely, assuming the events occurred late in Wu Ting’s reign raises questions about the length of various Chou reigns and whether the period between Chou Tan-fu’s action and the conquest of the Shang would not become too long. (For additional discussion see
The Cambridge History of Ancient China
, 299-307, and Yang K’uan,
Hsi-Chou Shih
, 35-45.)
91
See Yen Yi-p’ing, 1980, 159-185, and Luo Hsi-chang and Wang-Chün-hsien, WW 1987:2, 17-26.
92
For a discussion of Shang hunting in the Chou and Chou rulers offering sacrifice to Shang ancestors, see Shaan-hsi Chou-yüan K’ao-ku-tui, WW 1979:10, 38-43, and WW 1981:9, 1-7.
93
In addition to the campaigns discussed in our text, the following inscriptions suggest Wu Ting’s scope of activity: HJ6404a (against the Kung); HJ6354a (against the T’u-fang); HJ6417a (with Chih Kuo); HJ6427 (Hsia-wei, T’u-fang); HJ6413 (with Wang Ch’eng); HJ6480; HJ6457 (with Chih Kuo or Hou Kao); HJ6476a (against the Yi, with Chih Kuo against the Pa and Wang Ch’eng against the Hsia-wei); HJ6477a with Hsing against the Pa, or Wang Ch’eng against the Hsia-wei; HJ6482a (with Wang Ch’eng contra the Hsia-wei); HJ6530a (accompanied by the Hsing-fang against Hsia-wei); HJ6542, HJ6543, HJ6552, HJ6553; HJ32a (accompanied by Wang Ch’eng against Hsia-wei, Chih Kuo against the Pa); HJ6607 (against the Ch’ing);
Kuei
2.15.18 (against the Ma-fang);
K’u
1094 (against Chi-fang and others);
Ching
1266 (against Lung and Pa). However, further study is required to determine what motivated him to personally participate rather than depute another commander.
94
As their fates are never specified, they may have been wounded in battle, killed, or simply grown too old to take the field, not to mention fallen out of favor with the king for unrecorded battlefield failures or other reasons, such as becoming too powerful.
97
HJ6947a (pursue them), HJ6948, HJ6952 (capture them), HJ6953 (seize them), HJ6954, HJ6958 (pummel them), HJ6959 (capture them), HJ20384,
Ping-pien
119,
Ping-pien
249, and
Ping-pien
304. Conversely, inquiries about him being endangered by the Hsüan include HJ20383 and HJ20393.
101
Ts’ui
1167 and
Chia
2326.
102
HJ6571, HJ6573 (with Prince Shang), HJ13514, and
Ping-pien
302. (Assuming Fou is the chief of the Chi-fang, HJ6834 inquires whether he will capture Fou and HJ6989 whether Fou will harm Ch’üeh.)
103
HJ6931 and
Kuei
2.15.11. (See Fan Yü-chou, 1991, 205.)
105
HJ53 (whether he will conquer them).
106
HJ6964, HJ6965,
Yi
5317. See also Fan Yü-chou, 1991, 210.
108
HJ6983 (attacks Yüeh and others),
Yi
4693 (damages Yüeh). See also Lin Hsiao-an, 230.
110
For example, see HJ6946, HJ6947, HJ6948, HJ6949, HJ6959, HJ6962, HJ6979, HJ6980, HJ6985, HJ6986, HJ6987, HJ20576 (in danger),
Chia
2902 (the southern campaign),
Ping-pien
117, and
K’u
546.
112
Attested by HJ6946. (See Lin Hsiao-an, 232.)
113
HJ4122, HJ4123, HJ4124, HJ6949, HJ32843, HJ32839, and HJ6577 are among the many that inquire if he will suffer misfortune or not. (Others are particularly seen in campaigns against strong enemies.)
114
Lin Hsiao-an, 229. (There is considerable disagreement on how to transcribe and pronounce the second character in his name.)
115
For example, see HJ6087 (with the king), HJ6401 (with the king), HJ6402 (with the king), HJ6404 (with the king), HJ6417a (with the king), HJ6438, HJ6452, and HJ39853 (with the king).
116
For example, see HJ32a, HJ6135, HJ6476 (with the king), and HJ6480 (with Fu Hao).
117
For example,
Ch’ien
6.60.6, HJ6087 (with the king), HJ6416 (with the king), and HJ6384.
118
HJ22a (with the king), HJ6413, HJ6476, and HJ6482 to HJ6486.
119
For example, HJ6135,
Tun-nan
81 (with the king), HJ32 (with the king), HJ6476 (with the king), and HJ6583 to HJ6486 (with the king).
120
HJ6480 (with Fu Hao), HJ6461 (with the king), and HJ6476 (with the king).
121
HJ6937 (with the king).
122
Examples of accompanying Fu Hao are HJ6947 and HJ22948; others for the king are HJ6473, HJ7504, HJ33074, and HJ33105 to HJ33108.
123
HJ32 (with the king), HJ326 (with the king), HJ6413 (with the king), HJ6476 (with the king), HJ6477a (with the king), HJ6480, HJ6482 to HJ6486 (with the king), HJ6489 to HJ6493 (with the king), HJ6496, HJ6525, HJ6521, HJ6542 (with officials). Presumably he led his own forces, so the question of his actual role arises, just as with Chih Kuo.
125
For example, HJ6083 (with the king) and HJ6148.
126
For example, HJ6583 and HJ33112.
127
Karlgren, GSR
,
1087a, actually pronounced
chou
but generally referred to as “
fu
” because of the later character for woman/wife, “
fu
,” which has the additional component of woman, with which it is commonly identified.
128
For a study of the function and significance of the “
fu
” in the Shang, see Chang Cheng-lang, 1986, 103-119; Chao Ch’eng, 2000, 136-156; and Chang Ping-chüan, BIHP 50:1 (1979), 194-199.
129
See Chang Cheng-lang, 1986, 103-119. Also note, for example, HJ924.
130
For example, Fu Ching (HJ6347).
131
Such as Fu Ching, who attacked the Lung (HJ6584, HJ28).
132
HJ6648, HJ6826, HJ18911, and HJ21653 provide examples of them being ordered out or back from external areas. HJ7006 specifically inquires about the prospects for mounting a successful defense.
134
See Chao Ch’eng, 2000, 143.
135
For example, see HJ7006.
136
Space precludes further discussion of the tomb’s contents, but for a summary see
The Cambridge History of Ancient China
, 194-202, or Thorp,
China in the Early Bronze Age
, 195ff.
137
Although Shima Kunio provided the first comprehensive collection in his
Inkyo Bokuji Sorui
(139-141), the best compilation remains Yen Yi-p’ing, “Fu Hao Lieh-chuan.” Other important discussions include Wang Yü-hsin et al., “Shih-lun Yin-hsü Wu-hao-mu te ‘Fu Hao’”; Cheng Hui-sheng, “Kuan-yü Fu Hao te Shen-shih Wen-t’i”; Cheng Chen-hsiang, “A Study of the Bronzes with the ‘Ssu T’u Mu’ Inscriptions Excavated from the Fu Hao Tomb”; Noel Barnard, “A New Approach to the Study of Clan-sign Inscriptions of the Shang”; Chang Ping-ch’üan, “A Brief Description of the Fu Hao Oracle Bone Inscriptions”; and Ts’ao Ting-yün, “Yin-hsü Fu Hao Mu Ming-wen-chung Jen-wu Kuan-hsi Tsung-k’ao.” Yen classifies her as a true “
ch’i nü jen
” or unorthodox woman, finds it odd that Ssu-ma Ch’ien failed to include her among his exemplary women, and believes that it was through her military achievements that she advanced from the status of an ordinary consort to be one of three prominent wives.
138
Wang Yü-hsin, 1991, 148. Yen Yi-p’ing believes she lived until Tsu Keng’s reign, while Chang Ping-ch’üan, 1988, who examines the question of other “Fu Hao” inscriptions and the meaning of
fu
, concludes that the only Fu Hao was the one active in Wu Ting’s reign.
139
It is therefore argued that she should be known as Fu Tzu, just as the other
fu
such as Fu Ching are designated by coupling
fu
, not necessarily meaning “wife,” and clan names, such as Ching. (See Chang Cheng-lang, “A Brief Discussion of Fu Tzu.”) Chang Ping-ch’üan, 129- 130, notes other examples of endogenous clan marriage.
140
Yen Yi-p’ing, 1981, 5. For example, HJ6948 inquires about the auspiciousness of her pregnancy and confirms that she gave birth to a daughter. (See also Wang Yü-hsin et al., KKHP 1977:2, 10-17.)
141
See
Ts’ang
204.3, Hsü 3.1.2 (while on campaign), and Yen Yi-p’ing, 1981, 5-12. Inquiries about the auspiciousness of her coming from and going to external regions are also seen, such as in the series HJ2642, HJ2643, and HJ2645. These coincidentally show that her power is clearly derived, since she can still be ordered about.
144
See Yen Yi-p’ing, 1981, 18-25, and Wang Yü-hsin et al., KKHP 1977:2, 7-10.
145
See, for example,
Yi
7782 and Yen Yi-p’ing, 27. Several other
fu
are recorded as having forwarded important materials for divination. (See Chao Ch’eng-chu, 2000, 140-142; for the importance of these turtle shells as tribute in general, see Yeh Hsiang-k’ui and Liu Yi-man, KK 2001:8, 85-92.)