146
Yen Yi-p’ing, 31-32, based on
ts’ang
244.1.
147
Following the interpretation of
ts’ung
as “to be accompanied by” rather than “accompanied,” as in “the king was accompanied by Chih Kuo in an attack on the T’u-fang,” even though in later Chinese it would normally be read “the king accompanied Chih Kuo in an attack on the T’u-fang.” Although this reasonably presumes that the king would never assume a subordinate role in the field, questions remain.
148
Most analysts stress that she does not appear in the campaigns attributed to the final period, and Wang Yü-hsin even uses her absence as one of his defining chronological criteria. However, Yen Yi-p’ing (1981, 35) believes that in at least one case she attacked the Kung-fang and T’u-fang in a campaign that can be dated to between Wu Ting’s twenty-eighth and thirty-second years according to Ch’an T’ang’s
Yin-li P’u
.
149
See, for example, HJ6412,
K’u
237, and Yen Yi-p’ing’s enumeration, 32-36.
150
Note HJ6478, HJ6479, and HJ6480.
151
HJ6459. See also HJ6480 (against the Hu, a Yi component) and
Hsü
4.30.1
152
K’u
310. See also Wang Yü-hsin et al., KKHP 1977:2, 2-4.
153
Yen Yi-p’ing, 34-35, notes several inscriptions (such as HJ7283) that order her to first arrange troops for actions against the Lung.
154
For example, HJ6568a enigmatically states, “Fu Hao deputes [
shih
] men to [pound] Mei.” (A convenient summary of Fu Hao’s campaigns may be found in Wang Yü-hsin, 1991, 149- 152.)
155
HJ7283, HJ6347, and
Ying
150
cheng
.
158
Fu Ching, for example, is noted in HJ8035 as offering the military sacrifice before a battle, a role thereafter reserved to men, and in HJ6584 and HJ6585 specifically ordered to inflict heavy damage upon the Lung.
CHAPTER 11
1
Although Chou charges of excessive inebriation were apparently not unfounded, and the Shang had specialized vessels for imbibing alcoholic beverages, much of Shang drinking was associated with feasting, sacrifices, and the ancestral cult (Christopher Fung, JEAA 2:1-2 [2000], 67-92).
2
Sung Hsin-ch’ao, CKSYC 1991:1, 53-63, and Fang Hui, KK 2004:4, 53-67.
3
For example, the predynastic Shang shared certain divinatory practices with the Tung Yi and apparently adopted the practice of prognostication with turtle plastrons from them.
4
The Chü, who seem to have been located in the Shandong area, were a powerful aristocratic family in the Shang and early Chou. Inscriptions (HJ6341) indicate Chü was ordered to instruct 300 archers and campaigned against the Kung-fang (Ho Ching-ch’eng, KK 2008:11, 54-70).
5
Kao Kuang-jen, KKHP 2000:2, 183-198.
6
For example, see HJ6457, HJ6459, HJ6461, HJ6834, and HJ7084.
7
According to the Tung Yi chronicles in the late
Hou Han-shu
.
8
Kao Kuang-jen, KKHP 2000:2, 183.
9
For a site report see Han Wei-lung and Chang Chih-ch’ing, KK 2000:9, 24-29.
10
Kao Kuang-jen, KKHP 2000:2, 190-191.
11
Kao Kuang-jen, KKHP 2000:2, 183-198.
12
Ch’en Hsüeh-hsiang and Chin Han-p’o, KK 2007:5, 86-87; Ch’en Ch’ao-yün, HCCHS 2006:2, 3-8.
13
Kao Kuang-jen, KKHP 2000:2, 184-187.
14
For a seminal study of steppe/ sedentary interaction in the first millennium BCE, see Nicola Di Cosmo,
Ancient China and Its Enemies
.
15
Although the climate had been cooling and drying since 3000 BCE, conditions fluctuated during the Shang. From King T’ang to Chung Ting was cooler and drier; from Chung Ting to Wu Ting the temperature rose slightly and rainfall increased, revitalizing the marshes; but from
his reign onward the temperature and rainfall both decreased, resulting in some drying out, harsher conditions, less vegetation, and fewer animals. (Wei Chi-yin, KKWW 2007:6, 44-50. However, as previously noted, it has also been suggested that Wu Ting’s reign was actually parched, thereby accounting for his numerous queries about prospects for rainfall.)
16
Luo K’un, 1998, 173. The presence of chariots outside the Shang should be noted.
19
For inscriptions see Chang Ping-chüan, 1988, 496; Ch’en Meng-chia, 1988, 279, and
Hsia Shang Hsi-Chou Chün-shih Shih
, 187ff.
21
Understanding
chih chung
as “call up and put in order” rather than “suffer loss” or “harm.” (See, for example, HJ27974, HJ27975, and HJ2972.)
22
See, for example, HJ26887, HJ26896, HJ27978, and HJ27979.
23
For an overview of these border clashes see Lin Huan, HCCHS 2003:3, 57-63.
24
See Yang Sheng-nan, 1982, 359-367, and our discussion in the section on military structure and organization.
25
According to the third-century
Hou Han Shu
chapter “Hsi Ch’iang.”
26
Lin Huan, HCCHS 2003:3, 57-63.
27
Oracular inscriptions speak about the five clan troops pursuing and rectifying them. (See Chang Ping-ch’üan, 496.)
30
HJ33039, HJ33040. (Sui is also pronounced Hui by some writers.)
31
See Luo K’un, 1998, 191; HJ27970 and HJ27997.
32
See Ch’en Meng-chia, 1988, 799ff.
35
The account reprised here is based on Luo K’un, 1998, 192ff. The king’s concern can be seen in his reports to the ancestors, including HJ33032, HJ33033, HJ33015, and HJ33016.
37
HJ33058. (Not, of course, the Chih Kuo of Wu Ting’s era.)
40
HJ33017 and HJ32815, respectively.
42
HJ31978. (Commentators understand the term
yü
as meaning something like “clear out” [or even “extirpate”], but it could simply mean undertaking a prolonged, active defense against them.)
44
See Yang Sheng-nan, 1982, 359-360. Yang transcribes the character as Shao rather than Li, whereas Ch’en Meng-chia (1988
,
287ff., followed here) understands it as Li.
45
Based on assigning a number of “nameless” diviner inscriptions to Wen Ting’s reign, Li Hsüeh-ch’in, CHSYC 2006:4, 3-7, described a campaign against the Yi capital near Lin-po in Shandong that he attributed to Wen Ting’s era. However, in a 2008 reconsideration, CHSYC 2008:1, 15-20, Li concluded that despite the generally accepted convention that nameless inscriptions do not appear post-Wen Ting (and apparently in rejection of his earlier thought that the dates simply do not cohere), they stem from Emperor Hsin’s reign and provide crucial battle information for the lengthy campaign reconstructed for Hsin’s tenth year (but we have assigned them to Emperor Yi’s era in the discussion that follows based on the views of other analysts).
46
Although disagreement continues about their timing and other aspects, it is generally accepted that at least two major expeditionary campaigns were mounted against the Yi during the last two reigns. (For example, see Hsü Chi, STWMYC, 266-268, or Luan Feng-shih, STWMYC, 270-279.)
47
For relevant inscriptions see Tung Tso-pin’s “Ti Hsin Jih-p’u”; Ch’en Meng-chia’s reconstruction of the campaign, “Yi Hsin Shih-tai Suo-cheng te Jen-fang, Yü-fang,” 301-310; or the account provided in Luo K’un, 1998, 195-202, where the campaign objective is uniformly transcribed as the Yi-fang rather than the Jen-fang. Ch’en includes a useful map of the probable route of march that depicts a fairly efficient campaign with limited maneuvering after crossing the Huai, but Tung Tso-pin envisions a rather extensive upward loop prior to the final southern thrust across the Huai River and extensive movement thereafter. (Shima Kunio’s reconstruction is also more conservative.)
Ch’en proposed his version as a corrective to Tung Tso-pin’s calendar, which he viewed as a meritorious but flawed effort. In addition, he attributes the campaign to Emperor Yi’s reign—a view that has garnered general acceptance as evidenced by its adoption in Luo K’un’s
Hsia Shang Hsi-Chou Chün-shih Shih
—whereas Tung placed it in Emperor Hsin’s era and dates the final query to the seventh month. However, Yen Yi-p’ing, 1989, 317-321, has contributed an overview of the variations in which he concludes that Tung’s reconstruction is reliable and the purported variations essentially congruent.
48
Ch’en Meng-chia, 1988, 308.
49
See Li Hsüeh-ch’in, CHSYC 2006:4, 3-7, and CHSYC 2008:1, 15-20. (Li’s reconstruction is, however, not without possible problems, such as essentially requiring the campaign to be limited to the Shandong area, around the Hua and Wei rivers, based on his reading of the character for Huai.)
50
Luo K’un, 1998, 200-202. (The mere coincidence of the campaign dates, which are repeatedly attributed to the tenth and fifteenth years, is indicative of fundamental problems.)
51
For a reconstruction of the campaign, see
Hsia Shang Hsi-Chou Chün-shih Shih
, 202-204, or Ch’en Meng-chia, 1988, 309-310.
52
Yen Yi-p’ing, 1989, 321, claims that three campaigns were mounted against the Jen-fang in Hsin’s tenth, fifteenth, and twenty-fifth years. Among many, Chang Ping-ch’üan (1988, 433), asserts that the Shang didn’t fall because of licentiousness but because Shang military activities in the east wasted its strength, thereby allowing the Chou, which had grown powerful in the neglected west, to easily conquer them. However, for a contrary view, see Kao Kuang-jen, KKHP 2000:2, 183-198.
53
Tso Chuan
, Chao Kung fourth and eleventh years. The term translated as “martial convocation” is
sou
, which means “to search for” or “to gather / assemble,” but also came to designate the annual Chou assembly of forces for the spring hunt, itself an opportunity for military training.
54
However, Ch’en Meng-chia explicitly denies it is the campaign noted late in his reign (1988, 304) or the one noted in bronze inscriptions dating to the emperor’s fifteenth year. (The other possibility is the campaign assigned here to Yi’s tenth and eleventh years but instead attributed to Hsin.)
55
Wang Yü-hsin, HCCHS 2007:5, 14-20.
56
The identification of the Yi with Yüeh-shih culture in this period—the late Hsia or nineteenth to seventeenth centuries BCE and thereafter—is almost universally accepted. (For example, see Yen Wen-ming, SCKKLC, 306-318; Yen Wen-ming, WW 1989:9, 1-12; and Wang Chen-chung, HCCHS 1988:6, 15-26.) The Shang also incorporated bronze decorative elements from the earlier Liang-chu culture (3200-2100 BCE). (See Jui Kuo-yao and Shen Yüeh-ming, KK 1992:11, 1039-1044.)
57
Chang Kuo-shuo, HCCHS 2002:4, 8-14, and Chu Chün-hsiao and Li Ch’ing-lin, KKHP 2007:3, 295-312, who conclude from an analysis of the ordinary utensils and ceramic vessels from the fourth period at Erh-li-t’ou that the Tung Yi and Shang must have been close allies.
58
Wang Chen-chung, HCCHS 1988:6, 15-26.
59
Fang Yu-sheng, HCCHS 1992:9, 18-20; Tung Ch’i, HYCLC, 1996, 46-53; Sung Yü-ch’in and Li Ya-tung, HYCLC, 1996, 54-59.
60
Ch’en Ch’ao-yün, HCCHS 2006:2, 3-8.
61
For analyses see Yen Wen-ming, WW 1989:9, 1-12, and HCCHS 2002:4, 3-8 and 8-14.
62
Chu Chi-p’ing, KK 2008:3, 53-61.
63
See Hsü 3.13.1 and Ch’en Meng-chia, 1988, 282.
64
See Ch’en Meng-chia, 299.
65
See Ch’en Meng-chia, 298, for inscriptions.
CHAPTER 12
1
Chang Chung-p’ei, WW 2000:9, 55-63.
2
For an enumeration see Chang Ping-ch’üan, 1988, 432-433. (The Shang apparently used marriage relations to cement alliances or emphasize the subjugated status of external clans, but their demand for eligible women may also have caused antagonism and resentment.)
3
For a discussion of these “ journeys” see Liu Huan, KK 2005:11, 58-62, and Li Shih-lung, HCCHS 2002:1, 34-40.
4
Most of the inscriptions can be understood in terms of Wu Ting’s efforts to impose order (Liu Huan, CKSYC 1995:4, 93-98). However, David Nivison, EC 4 (1977-1978): 52-55, has suggested that the character read as “making a tour of inspection” or “conducting a campaign of rectification” is
Te
, Virtue, and rather than military force refers to making a prominent display of
Te
(which might be defined as theocratic power) to other peoples. (Nevertheless, note that captives were sometimes taken.)
5
Chao Shih-ch’ao, CKKTS 1995:9, 6-18.
6
According to “Wu Yi,”
Shang Shu
. Inscriptions related to the hunt continue throughout the Shang and Wu Yi and Wen Ting frequently held them, but they are especially found in Wu Ting’s era, another indication of his active lifestyle and warrior values. (See Chang Ping-ch’üan, 1988, 475-487, for relevant inscriptions and a review of earlier findings by Tung Tso-pin and Shima Kunio. See also Meng Shih-k’ai, LSYC 1990:4, 95-104.)
7
Ch’eng Feng, HCCHS 2004:2, 25-26.
8
From Kings Ping Hsin to Wen Ting the term
sheng t’ien
, which has been interpreted as inspecting (
sheng
) the (military activities) of the hunt (
t’ien
), frequently appears (Meng Shih-k’ai, LSYC 1990:4, 101-103).