Brothers in Arms (128 page)

Read Brothers in Arms Online

Authors: Odd Arne Westad

Tags: #Political Science, #International Relations, #General, #test

7
Li Bocheng, People's Liberation Army general, commander of the Second Field Army.

 

page_329<br/>
Page 329
Roshchin, Fedorenko; Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Li Fuchun, Wang Jiaxiang, Chen Boda, and Shi Zhe (Karskii).
Source: APRF, f. 45, op. 1, d. 329, 29-38. Translated by Danny Rozas.
VIII. Record of Conversation, Stalin and Zhou Enlai, September 19, 1952
Zhou Enlai visited the Soviet Union from 15 August to 24 September 1952, primarily to discuss the conditions for a ceasefire in Korea. The tone of the conversation which follows is typical for meetings between Chinese and Soviet top leaders up to the mid-1950s: The Soviets provided the orientation and advice which set the course of the alliance, while the Chinese very much appeared to be junior partners.
Stalin, opening the conversation with the Mexican proposal concerning the exchange of prisoners of war (POWs), says that we agree with Mao Zedong that the Mexican proposal is not acceptable, since it conforms with America's position at the negotiations in Korea. If Mexico comes forward with its proposal at the UN, the USSR delegation will reject this proposal as not conducive to the cessation of the war in Korea and will strive toward the following:
1. Immediate cessation of military activities of the involved parties on land, sea, and air.
2. Return of all POWs to their native land in accordance with international standards.
3. Withdrawal of foreign armies, including the Chinese volunteer units, from Korea in the course of two to three months; a peaceful settlement of the Korean issue in the spirit of Korean unification, conducted by Koreans themselves under the observation of a committee with participation of the immediately concerned parties and other countries, including those which did not take part in the Korean War.
He adds that the question of which and how many countries should take part in this committee can be further discussed and decided.
Regarding the proposal of temporary withholding of 20 percent of POWs from each side, and the return of the remaining POWs, the Soviet delegation will not involve itself with this proposal, which will be left in Mao Zedong's hands.
Zhou Enlai asks: What is your opinion concerning the possibility of the Chinese gov-

 

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ernment entering into a nonaggression pact with India and Burma? Mao Zedong thinks such a pact would be expedient.
Stalin answers that we support Comrade Mao Zedong's opinion. Of course, there are and there will not be any obstacles here. Zhou Enlai asks: Is it possible to delay the introduction of the second position, to wait two to three weeks?
Stalin answers that this is Mao Zedong's business. If Mao Zedong wants, we can introduce in the Assembly (UN General Assembly) the discussion of the second position concerning the percentage of withheld POWs.
Zhou Enlai introduces a question about the third position the possibility of transferring POWs to neutral countries so that their subsequent fate can be decided separately. He says that this is talked about in the international community, and asks whether Comrade Stalin considers it possible to support this position.
Stalin answer that we want the return of all POWs. This also concurs with the Chinese position. If an agreement cannot be reached on this basis, we cannot deliver the POWs to the UN because the UN is a military participant in the war; he asks: In China's opinion, which country will the captives be sent to?
Zhou Enlai answers: Mao Zedong entrusted me to say that we had in mind India. Stalin asks who will be responsible, in this case, for the expense of maintaining POWs. It seems, every involved party?
Zhou Enlai answers that if the POWs are transferred to India, then after some time they will be transferred from India to China, and then the Chinese and Korean parties will pay for the maintenance of Chinese and Korean POWs.
Stalin says that this proposal can be acceptable, but we must keep in mind that the Americans will not want to deliver all the POWs, that they will keep some captives, with the intention to recruit them. This was the case with our POWs. Now we are capturing several of our POWs a day who are being sent over by America. They are withholding POWs not because, as they say, the POWs do not want to return America often refers to this but so that they could use them for spying.
Zhou Enlai concedes that this is precisely so.
He introduces the following scenario: to cease fire and resolve the issue of POWs later. He reminds that Comrade Stalin agreed with this, if no agreement is reached regarding the percentage [of POWs] withheld.
Stalin acknowledges that this can be considered as one of possible scenarios, but America is not likely to agree to it.
Zhou Enlai says that perhaps America will suggest this in the [General] Assembly.
Stalin: This would be good.
Zhou Enlai says that in the last discussion Comrade Stalin suggested that China take initiative in creating a continental or regional UN. He asks whether there would be any other instructions regarding this matter.

 

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Stalin answers that he continues to hold his previous point of view. In addition he says that, besides the current UN, it is necessary to create separate organizations for Asia, Europe, etc., not in lieu of the UN, but parallel to the UN. Let America create an American organization, Europe, a European one, Asia, an Asian one, but parallel to the UN, not contrary to the UN.
Zhou Enlai says that China has no interest in the UN and obviously it is necessary to take initiative in creating a continental organization.
Stalin emphasizes that UN is an American organization and we should destroy it, while keeping up the appearance that we are not against the UN; we should conduct this with an appearance of respect to the UN, without saying that it should be destroyed, weakened, but in reality weaken it. He reminds that during the war Churchill suggested the creation of a continental UN, but America opposed this. We quietly observed the debate, but then Britain rejected its position and we supported the proposal regarding the creation of the UN.
Zhou Enlai asks whether there will be letters concerning this matter from Comrade Stalin to Mao Zedong.
Stalin explains that it will be better without a letter. He sees that Zhou Enlai is taking notes and he fully trusts him.
Zhou Enlai mentioned the Peace Congress in Beijing, scheduled in the end of September, saying that now it will be necessary to move the congress to the beginning of October. He adds that China is striving for the participation of Japan and India in this congress.
Stalin asks if Pakistan will participate.
Zhou Enlai agrees that Pakistan should participate as well and that Pakistan representatives are invited, but the Pakistan government is not issuing them passports. As for India, a part of the Indian delegation has already arrived, and the Japanese delegation will arrive via Hong Kong.
Stalin says further that we should aim for China to have the principal role [in the congress], because:
1. The initiative in assembling the congress belongs to China.
2. It will be better this way, because the USSR is only partly located in Asia, and China is entirely in Asia, therefore it should have the principal role.
Zhou Enlai asks what specific actions will be taken by our delegation.
Stalin answers: Peace.
Zhou Enlai talks about Nehru's proposal concerning the conference of five countries the Soviet Union, China, England, France, and USA.
Molotov explains that this was a proposal of the Committee of the National Congress Party.
Stalin says that this proposal should be supported.

 

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