Brothers in Arms (129 page)

Read Brothers in Arms Online

Authors: Odd Arne Westad

Tags: #Political Science, #International Relations, #General, #test

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Zhou Enlai emphasizes that at such a conference India, it goes without saying, will speak [in agreement] with England, but, it would seem, that it would be advisable to utilize this proposal.
Stalin agrees with this.
Zhou Enlai says that in connection with the publication of the note about Port Arthur, the position which the PRC should take with regard to Japan is completely clear. The PRC should indicate that Japan does not wish the conclusion of a peace agreement with China and the Soviet Union.
Stalin adds and is preparing for aggression. He underscores that our position was not directed against the Japanese people.
Zhou Enlai raises the question of Formosa [Taiwan]. He says that since the Japanese government has concluded an agreement with Jiang Jieshi, it thus has confirmed that it is ignoring the interests of the Chinese people. This excludes the possibility of concluding a peace agreement. So long as a peace agreement exists with Formosa, a peace agreement between the PRC and Japan is not possible.
Stalin emphasizes that the note on Port Arthur was directed against America and not against the Japanese people. America maintains a [naval] fleet around Taiwan and exploits Taiwan. He affirms the correctness of Zhou Enlai's point of view on the impossibility of a peace agreement with Jiang Jieshi, and indicates that the fact of the signing of an agreement by Japan with Jiang Jieshi only worsens its [Japan's] position.
Zhou Enlai asks: What will be the further development of events with regard to Germany?
Stalin says that it is difficult to forecast. It seems America will not support German unification. They plundered Germany; if the West Germany and East Germany unite, then it will not be possible to plunder Germany any longer. That is why America does not want German unification.
Zhou Enlai says in his opinion, even though America is rebuilding the military forces of West Germany and Japan, hoping to use them, this weapon can turn against them.
Stalin says that it is quite possible, even though the German government will be controlled by nationalists, Hitler's followers.
Zhou Enlai shifts to the situation in Xinjiang. He says that the work in Xinjiang is generally going well and that agricultural reforms are being instituted there. But there are also some leftist excesses, which manifest themselves in unlawful confiscation of domestic animals, in the domain of religion, and the reduction of interest rates and land lease. To eliminate these excesses the CC [Central Committee] Plenum was assembled, which released Wang Zhen
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from the office of Secretary of Xinjiang CC CCP [Chinese Communist Party] subbureau, and a group of CC members was directed to take care of
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Wang Zhen, PLA general, commander and political commissar of the Xinjiang Military District to July 1952.

 

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the excesses. In general discontent was eliminated, and cases of defection, including those to USSR territory, have been halted.
Stalin says that the excesses resulted from the desire to obtain land and domestic animals faster, confiscating both from the rich.
Zhou Enlai notes that as soon as the rumors about reforms had spread, the hostile elements began to slaughter domestic animals.
Stalin notes that similar incidents took place at a certain time in our experience as well. It is necessary to hurry up with the reform. If the agricultural reform is not instituted, such looting will continue to occur.
Zhou Enlai explains that the agricultural reform is being instituted in crop farming regions, and redistribution and excesses connected with it [are occurring] in the animal farming regions. Since animal herders participated in the redistribution, the Chinese government has decided to improve their condition, which should improve the general condition as well.
Stalin says: Of course, it is up to you.
Zhou Enlai says that according to the Liu Shaoqi report, two representatives from the Indonesian Communist Party should arrive at the Nineteenth [Party] Congress, and he asks whether it would be timely to discuss party issues in Moscow with them.
Stalin says that it is difficult to tell yet. It depends on whether they will address the CC. He points out that when the representatives from the Indian Communist Party arrived, they asked us to help in determining the party policy, and we had to do it, even though we were busy.
Zhou Enlai reports that the Japanese comrades should arrive as well, and it is likely they will also want to discuss party issues.
Stalin answers that older brothers cannot refuse their younger brothers in such a matter. He says that this should be discussed with Liu Shaoqi, who has substantial experience, and [it should be] clarified how the Chinese comrades perceive it.
Zhou Enlai points out that Liu Shaoqi intends to bring with him appropriate material, in order to discuss a number of questions.
Stalin notes that if the Chinese comrades want to discuss these issues, then of course we will have no contradictions, but if they do not want it, then we will not have to discuss anything.
Zhou Enlai answers that the Chinese comrades will definitely want to talk.
Stalin answers that, in this case, we shall find the time.
Zhou Enlai says that it is possible that the comrades from Vietnam will also arrive.
Stalin notes that the Vietnamese comrades are our friends and will be our welcome guests.
Zhou Enlai, ending the conversation, says they would like to receive instructions concerning all these issues.

 

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Stalin asks: Instructions or suggestions?
Zhou Enlai answers that from Comrade Stalin's perspective perhaps this would be advice, but in their perception these would be instructions.
Stalin notes that we give only advice, convey our opinion, and the Chinese comrades may accept it or not; instructions, on the other hand, are mandatory.
Zhou Enlai repeats that from the Chinese perspective these are instructions, most valuable instructions. He notes that they do not accept these instructions blindly, but consider it necessary to understand and accept them deliberately.
Stalin emphasizes that we know China too little, and that is why we are cautious in giving instructions.
Zhou Enlai says that Comrade Stalin certainly is well familiar with the particular issues they are addressing, and asks again whether there will be any instructions.
Comrade Stalin answers that our advice is this: We should remember that England and America will try to place their people into the apparatus of the Chinese government. It does not matter if they are American or French. They will work to undermine, try to cause decay from within, could even commit such crimes as poisonings. That is why we must be alert. He says we should keep this in mind. Here these are all the instructions.
Zhou Enlai says that these are very valuable instructions. He agrees that not only Americans, English, and French can commit such treacheries, but they also push the Chinese into it.
Stalin adds: Their agents from the [Chinese] national bourgeoisie.
Molotov, returning to the question of military credit, the payment for weapons for sixty Chinese divisions, asks whether he understood Zhou Enlai correctly the last time, that the cost of deliveries for sixty divisions is not related to the military credit, granted by the Soviet government to China from February 1, 1951, according to the agreement. The deliveries of weaponry for sixty Chinese infantry divisions will be paid in [the] full amount according to the credit, granted in a special agreement between China and the Soviet Union.
Zhou Enlai answers that Comrade Molotov understood him absolutely correctly, and again asserts that the weapon supplies for sixty Chinese divisions have to be paid in full, according to the rates established for countries other than China, and not in half.
Stalin says that in this case we should sign a special agreement.
He mentions the gifts presented to Soviet representatives by the Chinese government, and notes that there have been very many gifts.
Zhou Enlai explains that they could not present gifts to Comrade Stalin for the seventieth anniversary [of Stalin's birth]. They attended the museum of gifts, saw the gifts sent by other countries, and they feel they must make up for what they were not able to do before.
Stalin says that we also would like to present the Chinese delegation automobiles made in USSR. He says that we have automobiles ''ZIS," smaller than "ZIM," but very beautiful, and we would like to present you with these "ZISs."

 

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Then he mentions the question concerning Song Qingling.
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Zhou Enlai says that he is working on getting her closer to him, that she is gradually shifting from bourgeois ideology to our side, that she comes out with good articles based on our ideology. She says that Song Qingling is very proud of being the winner of the International Stalin Peace Award.
The conversation started at 10:30, ended at 12:30.
Also present: Comrades Molotov, Malenkov, Beriia, Mikoyan, Bulganin, Vyshinskii; Li Fuchun, Zhang Wentian,
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Su Yu,
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Shi Zhe.
Source: APRF, f. 45, op. 1, d. 343, pp. 97-103. Translated by Danny Rozas with Kathryn Weathersby.
IX. Record of Conversation, Soviet Beijing Ambassador Pavel Iudin and Mao Zedong, March 31, 1956
This document records one of several conversations between Mao Zedong and Soviet leaders after the CPSU Twentieth Party Congress in which Mao described his relationship to Stalin. Mao's evaluation of Stalin went through a remarkable transformation during 1956-from welcoming Khrushchev's criticism in the spring to being highly critical of it after the Polish and Hungarian events in the fall.
Today I visited Mao Zedong and gave him Comrade Khrushchev's letter about the assistance which the Soviet Union will provide: (1) in the construction of fifty-one enterprises and three scientific research institutes for military industry, (2) in the construction of a railroad line from Urumqi to the Soviet-Chinese border. Mao Zedong asked me to send his deep gratitude to the CC CPSU [Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union] and the Soviet government.
Further I said that I had wanted to visit him (Mao Zedong) in the very first days following my return to Beijing and to tell about the work of the Twentieth Congress of the
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Song Qingling, widow of GMD founder Sun Yat-sen and sister-in-law of Jiang Jieshi.
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Zhang Wentian, PRC ambassador to Moscow.
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Su Yu, general, deputy chief of the PRC General Staff.

 

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