Brothers in Arms (80 page)

Read Brothers in Arms Online

Authors: Odd Arne Westad

Tags: #Political Science, #International Relations, #General, #test

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meeting, see Mikhail Suslov's report to December 1959 CPSU Plenum, excerpted in
CWIHP Bulletin
8-9 (Winter 1996/1997): 244, 248, 259-62.
91. Speech, Mao Zedong, at the CCP Politburo meeting on the current international situation, December 1959,
Mao wengao,
vol. 8, 599-602.
92. Speech, Mao Zedong, at a meeting in Hangzhou, December [undated] 1959, ibid., 604.
93.
Dangdai Zhongguo waijiao,
117-18, Unfortunately, documents concerning why Khrushchev chose to adopt a policy of economic blackmail against China are yet to be made available. However, for a Soviet letter explaining the action, see
CWIHP Bulletin
8-9 (Winter 1996/1997): 246, 249-50.
94.
Dangdai Zhongguo waijiao,
117-18.
95. Diplomatic note, PRC Foreign Ministry to Soviet Foreign Ministry, August 13, 1960, AVPRF, f. 0100, op. 2, pa. 453; diplomatic note, PRC Foreign Ministry to Soviet Foreign Ministry, September 20, 1960, ibid.; diplomatic note, PRC Foreign Ministry to Soviet Foreign Ministry, October 24, 1960, ibid.
96.
Dangdai Zhongguo waijiao,
118.
97. William E. Griffith, ed.,
Sino-Soviet Relations, 1964-1965
(Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1967), 4.
98. See, for example, D. Losman,
International Economic Sanctions: The Cases of Cuba, Israel, and Rhodesia
(Albuquerque, N.M.: University of New Mexico Press, 1979); Barry E. Carter,
International Economic Sanctions: Improving the Haphazard U.S. Legal System
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989); Margaret P. Doxey,
International Sanctions in Contemporary Perspective
(London: Macmillan, 1987); Makio Miyagawa,
Do Economic Sanctions Work?
(New York: St. Martin's Press, 1992); David A. Baldwin,
Economic Statecraft
(Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1985); M. P. Doxey,
Economic Sanctions and International Enforcement
(London: Macmillan, 1980); M. P. Doxey, "Do Sanctions Work?"
International Perspectives
(July-August 1982): 13-15; Richard C. Porter, "Economic Sanctions: The Theory and the Evidence from Rhodesia,"
Journal of Peace Science
3, no. 2 (Fall 1978): 93-110; Harry R. Strack,
Sanctions: The Case of Rhodesia
(Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1978); James Barber and Michael Spicer, "Sanctions against South Africa Options for the West,"
International Affairs
55, no. 3 (July 1979): 385-401.

 

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7.
Nikita Khrushchev and Sino-Soviet Relations
Constantine Pleshakov
In Moscow, on July 25, 1963, representatives of the Soviet Union, the United States, and Great Britain signed a partial nuclear test-ban treaty the first tangible agreement of the new East-West détente. Six days later Beijing labeled the treaty a "dirty fraud" aimed at preserving the nuclear monopoly.

1
The Sino-Soviet confrontation over nuclear proliferation took place less than six years after Soviet First Secretary Nikita Khrushchev promised to help the Chinese build a nuclear bomb. In the summer of 1963, Communist Moscow was allying with the Western capitals to deter the nuclear appetite of Communist Beijing. The whole traditional Cold War landscape had been transformed; global politics was now more than just two camps opposing each other, and communism itself was becoming as diversified as the human race.

The 1963 conflict proved that the Cold War pattern of the 1950s with the red hammer and sickle occuping the heartland of Eurasia was no more. The Soviet hammer no longer united the continent from Central Europe to Southeast Asia; divorced from the Chinese sickle that covered the arc of Eurasia's eastern coast, the symbol had become geopolitically impaired, its loose end getting stuck somewhere in the backwoods near Vladivostok. And the breakdown of the symbol's geopolitical meaning was accompanied by a breakdown in the coherence of ideology: The Soviet hammer of industrial socialist society was now divorced from the sickle of the Chinese peasant revolution.
Geopolitics and Ideology: Symbiosis Sovieticus
The interaction of geopolitics and ideology in Soviet foreign policy is instrumental for understanding both its basic presumptions and its concrete decision

 

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