Brown, Dale - Patrick McLanahan 03 (43 page)

           
“That’s because no foreign power saw
our presence there as a threat,” Thomas Preston said. “We were a force of
regional stability—”

           
“Against the aggression and
dominance of the Soviet Union, yes,” Hao said. “But you opposed Chinese trade
and national security interests as well, something that hurt our efforts to
grow and become part of the global economy.” “I will not debate the effect of
history on the development of
China
, Mr. Ambassador,” the President said. “I
will simply say the American people are very worried about the actions your
government is taking in the
Philippines
, and they and the Congress want action.” He
paused to let the import of his words sink in a bit; then: “I believe I can
wait no more than thirty days before taking direct action against China, Mr.
Ambassador.”

           
“You already have two aircraft
carrier battle groups in the
Philippine Sea
,” Hao said, “and another approaching the
Celebes Sea
. The
Philippines
are surrounded by American warships. Are
you not already taking substantial action?” “The American people want to know
when the Chinese will be leaving the
Philippines
, Mr. Ambassador,” the President emphasized.
“I want to know the same thing. Do you have an answer?”

           
“My government did not inquire of
you when you would be leaving
Grenada
, or
Panama
, or
Saudi Arabia
. . .” “Listen carefully, Mr.
Ambassador...” the President said with growing impatience. “I want to know what
your government’s intentions are in the
Philippines
, and I haven’t heard a straight answer from
you yet. Your government’s actions have been hostile and furtive, Ambassador,
and I don’t like it. For the past twenty years, we’ve had a policy of openness
and trust between our countries. We consulted each other on important world
matters. Ever since the
Tian’anmen Square
massacre, your government has cut off most
communications with us. That breeds distrust and caution.”

           
“Mr. President, I assure you, my
government does not seek to disrupt any ties with the Americans ...”

           
“Don’t tell me, show me. Nothing but
your actions will prove to me what your country’s intentions are. But let me
tell
you
what I intend to do:

           
“We will use all our available
intelligence resources to discover how many troops you have in the
Philippines
, and we will begin a program to match, and
then
exceed,
that number. We may not
succeed, but with cooperation from the Association of South East Asian Nations
and other countries we may come close. In addition we will seek to surpass the
number of warships you have in the
Philippines
, and we’ll sail those ships freely in
international waters, as close to your vessels as international law allows. We
expect no interference, but let me assure you that our warships will be
authorized to defend themselves to the maximum extent should there be
any
threatening moves made against our
forces.

           
“I want the government of
China
to make a public announcement clearly
outlining your objectives and plans for your actions in the
Philippines
; but in any case, I want
China
to reduce the number of troops it has in
the
Philippines
by one-half within thirty days, unless a
compelling reason is given why you should remain. I also want Arturo Mikaso to
be released from custody or his body turned over to his family and let them as
well as his close advisers be released; and if it is found that Mikaso
was
killed by Chinese soldiers, I want
those responsible brought to trial.
China
does not operate in a vacuum, Mr.
Ambassador—you are responsible for your actions. You cannot invent arguments
for naked acts of aggression and expect the rest of the world to play along.” .

           
The rapid-fire flurry of demands put
Hao on the defensive. He glanced over at his aide to be sure she was taking
notes, then said in a flat voice, “My government will make a full disclosure—”

           
“I should also advise you that this government
views the sharp escalation in offensive strategic forces in China a serious
threat to world peace and security; we see it as an unwarranted and belligerent
act that is clearly over and above any reasonable response to outside military
pressure,” the President interrupted. “I want
China
to reduce the number of offensive strategic
forces it has on alert and return to a less threatening, more defensive
posture. Otherwise the
United States
and our allies will be forced to respond by
increasing strategic force postures as well.
China
will then be responsible for a serious
military escalation that will ultimately lead to disaster.

           
“There should be no doubt in your
minds that we consider this Chinese military buildup in the
Philippines
a threat to American national security
interests, and we will respond accordingly. You may take that message to your
government.” The President sat back in his seat, paused for a few moments, then
said, “Do you have anything further for me, Mr. Ambassador?”

           
The Chinese ambassador to the
United States
remained impassive and stone-faced
throughout the President’s allocution. “I will take your message to my
government immediately,” Hao Sun Yougao replied, “and convey your requests and
concerns to Comrade Cheung . . . personally.”

           
“Personally?” Secretary of State
Dennis Danahall interjected, exchanging a quick glance with the President and
his advisers. “You’ve been recalled?”

           
“I regret to inform you that I have,
Mr. Secretary,” Hao said. “The situation obviously requires careful study and
discussion, and it was felt that these discussions should take place directly,
in
Beijing
. With your permission, my deputy charge
will be available to serve you. . . .”

           
The Americans looked at each other
with some surprise; this move was completely unexpected. “Why is your
government pulling you out?” the President asked.

           
“I’m sure you understand how this
will appear in the press, Mr. Ambassador,” Danahall said. “They’ll jump all
over this. They’ll see it as a prelude to a major conflict, perhaps war.”

           
“No one wants war, Mr. Secretary,”
Hao said. “We only seek peace, security, and stability for all nations. But
China
has also been asked for assistance, and in
a region of the globe so important to us—and less important to you, I feel—it
is vital that we respond. My government feels it is important that interference
in our affairs be minimized until the extent of the disruption in the
Philippines
can be properly assessed.”

           
The President glared at Hao. “I hope
your government understands our side of this matter and responds quickly to our
requests,” he said to Hao. “In the meantime you know what we will be doing.”

           
The President rose to his feet and
Hao followed suit. “Joyous wishes to you and to your family, Mr. President,”
Hao said. The two men shook hands, Hao bowing deeply from the waist, and he
exchanged greetings with the rest of the President’s Cabinet members and
departed, escorted out of the Oval Office by Paul Cesare.

           
When Hao was gone, the Secretary of
State turned to the President. “I can schedule teleconferences with the British
Foreign Minister immediately, sir . . .”

           
“Do it,” the President replied. “Get
the ‘leadership’ together for a luncheon meeting if you can; if not, schedule a
few hours this afternoon for briefings.” Danahall departed, leaving the
President with his brother-in-law and Secretary of Defense Preston.

           
“What do you think, Thomas?” the
President asked. “What’s Cheung up to?”

           
“I think it is fairly obvious, Mr.
President, that he intends to use this episode to fortify his position in the
Philippines
and fill the void created by our
departure,”
Preston
replied. “He’s created a substantial
resupply line from
China
to the
Philippines
that we might find impossible to break, and
he’s found a way to get the government to offer him basing facilities and local
support. We may never be able to shake him loose if he manages to consolidate
all his gains.”

           
“So we have no military options?”

           
“We have many military options,
sir,”
Preston
replied, “but it’ll mean a serious escalation
of our military commitment. Cheung has both the military power and at least the
appearance of legitimacy—that’s an unbeatable combination no matter how you
look at it. If we want to counteract the advantage he has, we have to risk
stepping up to the brink of a superpower war.”

           
“We’ll wait to hear what the ASEAN
has to say,” the President said finally. “If they vote to condemn the Chinese, world
opinion will start to turn away from them—we can add our evidence of the
Chinese firing that nuclear missile if we can get someone to confirm that Sky
Masters data. Cheung won’t have any choice but to back down then.” To the
Defense Secretary the President asked, “But in case they won’t back down,
Thomas, what can we do then?”

           
“Mr. President, this may be more of
a political decision to make with Dennis Danahall and the Congressional
leadership, but I see the Chinese as a serious military threat to our national
interests in the region,”
Preston
replied. “If they take the
Philippines
, they can militarily and economically
threaten every other
Pacific
Rim
nation. We’ll
have no choice but to build up our own military forces in the region to
counterbalance them. We
must
act.”

           
“So what do we do?” the President
asked. “Are you considering sending in the Marines or this Air Battle Force
thing?”

           
Preston
considered the question for a moment, then
replied. “Yes, sir—in limited numbers and in total secrecy. General Curtis
mentioned the equipment installed on Brad Elliott’s experimental planes—that
may be a good place to start. Sending the entire Air Battle Force would be
difficult to keep secret, but sending three or four aircraft would be a simple
matter. I recommend approving the STRATFOR’s plan to deploy the PACER
SKY-equipped combat aircraft as soon as possible.”

           
The President’s eyes glanced over to
his brother-in-law, Benson, who was enthusiastically nodding his agreement;
Secretary of State Danahall looked grim and undecided, but eventually gave a
slight nod.

           
“Approved, Thomas,” the President
said. “Keep it quiet. I want those planes kept under wrap until I decide to
tell the world they’re there.” He paused, rubbing his eyes wearily, then added,
“And I hope to hell we get some good news from Ambassador O’Day in
Singapore
.”

ASEAN Headquarters conference
hall, Singapore

Friday, 30 September 1994,
0821 hours local (
29
September, 2121
Washington
time)

           
The emergency meeting of the
Association of South East Asian Nations began shortly after the first of five
daily prayers for its Moslem members; the crier’s call to prayer was played
over the building’s public-address system, and a shining silver and crystal
chandelier on the right-hand wall of the conference center indicated the
direction of
Mecca
. Deborah O’Day, the United Nations ambassador from the
United States
, had been reminded to stay in the ladies’
room until prayers were over—women, even foreign nonbelieving women, were not
encouraged to be nearby during prayers.