Male Sex Work and Society (76 page)

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Tags: #Psychology/Human Sexuality, #Social Science/Gay Studies, #SOC012000, #PSY016000

The amateur status of the Dublin participants was reflected in the irregular practice of their trade. The work appeared to be much more casual, occasional and opportunistic, with little long-term planning. Because of their lack of consistency, they did not have a regular clientele. (p. 103)
 
Another study, conducted by Quinlan, Wyse, and O’Connor (1997) just prior to the widespread adoption of the Internet, identified 27 street-based MSWs in Dublin. A majority (70 percent) of this group were between age 18 and 25, with the youngest 17 and the oldest 45. Again, this group experienced a range of issues such as drug and alcohol abuse, homelessness, and dysfunctional family backgrounds. A small number were recent immigrants from Eastern Europe. A combination of economic growth, a property bubble, and a more relaxed immigration regime (Gilmartin, 2012, p. 2) saw immigration into the ROI increase from a low of 30,000 in 2002 to a high of 150,000 in 2007. As has been identified in studies done in Germany and the Czech Republic, high immigration flows from some recently admitted EU countries has been linked to the continued presence of a street-based commercial sector (Katona, 2012; Šídová, 2004).
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Carroll and Quinlan (2004) have conducted one of the few studies on young immigrant males and the commercial sex sector in the ROI. Although their qualitative analysis was drawn from a relatively small sample of immigrant MSWs (n = 6), they nevertheless suggest that the economic precariousness that some of these migrants found themselves in after entering the country was an important factor in their decision to sell sex.
How Many Online Male Escorts?
 
A review of several Irish escort websites shows that the market is dominated by one in particular,
Escort-Ireland.com
, which has by far the largest number of profiles for the male, female, transsexual, and transvestite escort populations. For example, aggregate data obtained for the whole of 2012 reveal that a total of 5,394 escorts advertised their services on this website. This included 87 males (3.5 percent), 178 transsexuals (3.3 percent), 132 transvestites (2.4 percent), and 4,897 females (90.8 percent). Other websites do exist, but they appear to capture a relatively small section of the market. For instance, in September 2013, the Best Escort Ireland website listed a total of 94 escorts, 91 females (97 percent) and 3 males (3 percent). Escorts4U.ie only had 23 registered escorts, 4 (17 percent) of whom were males. The website
SexCIA.com
had 27 (43 percent) male escorts listed out of a total of 63. Based on these figures, it is clear that male commercial sex providers are a relatively small component of the total online escort market in Ireland.
It is important to point out two caveats to our data from
Escort-Ireland.com
.
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First, we should be clear that the figures may not necessarily refer to 5,394 separate individuals, since there is clear evidence that some sex workers present themselves under multiple identities in terms of their gender, sexuality, nationality, and/or services offered. Posting multiple profiles is a breach of the website guidelines, but unfortunately we are not able to ascertain exactly how many sex workers might engage in this practice. Nevertheless, for the purposes of our discussion, we treat each sex worker ad as being from a separate individual.
Second, presenting multiple identities is part of the overall marketing strategy some sex workers deploy when trying to attract and secure clients, or “punters.” It might also reflect geographically specific strategies, in that there may be a preference for particular types of escorts and sexual services in different cities and towns across Ireland, north and south. It also is important to remember that out of these aggregate figures only a comparatively small number of sex workers are actually available on a day-to-day basis. Many are highly mobile and may only offer services in specific cities at specific times. In other cases, a profile might have lapsed and not been renewed. For instance, of the total number of female sex workers advertising their services on
Escort-Ireland.com
in NI in 2012 (n = 693), only 20-30 are actually providing services on any given day; the daily figure for the ROI is 300-500. The daily availability is even less for male sex workers, ranging from 1 to 5 in NI and 20 to 40 in the ROI.
Sexuality of Irish Male Escorts
 
Minichiello et al. (Minichiello, Scott, & Callander, 2013) have recently noted that, “in contrast to street workers, large numbers of [male] escorts define themselves as gay or bisexual” (p. 265). This is certainly true of those who work in Ireland, north and south. Our data for 2012 (see
figure 17.2
) clearly show that the vast majority (91 percent) of MSWs identify as either bisexual (63.6 percent, n = 119) or gay (27.3 percent, n = 51). Less than 10 percent were listed on
Escort-Ireland.com
as heterosexual, which can be read as a proxy for the nature of the market for male escorts among female clients. In contrast, only 0.3 percent (n = 13) of female sex workers identified as lesbians; the majority (n = 2,837, 57.9 percent) identified as heterosexual or bisexual (n = 2,047, 41.8 percent). Almost four out of five transsexual sex workers were bisexual, and more than twice as many transsexual as male sex workers identified as heterosexual. Transvestite and male sex workers had broadly similar patterns in terms of sexual identity, although half as many transvestites identified as heterosexual.
Table 17.1
shows the expressed sexuality of male and female sex workers who advertised on the
Escort-Ireland.com
website each year between 2009 and 2012. The data show that the proportion of MSWs identifying as bisexual increased by 11 percentage points, from approximately 51 percent in 2009 to almost 62 percent in 2012. Over the same period there was a corollary decline (i.e., almost 10 percent) in the proportion of male sex workers presenting themselves as heterosexual. Female sex workers have followed the same trends, although the rate of change has not been as dramatic as for males. Again, in general terms, we should note that female sex workers significantly outnumber male sex workers by a factor of around 30:1.
 
FIGURE 17.2
Gender and Sexuality Profile of Irish Escorts, 2012
 
 
TABLE 17.1
Sexuality of Male and Female Escort Sign-Ups, 2009-2012
 
 
Sexual Role of Irish Male Escorts
 
Pruitt (2005) notes that past research points to the notion that “straight male sex workers are less sexually versatile than gay male sex workers” (p. 196)—that is, straight male sex workers are much less likely to engage in passive anal sex or play the role of a bottom (i.e., recipient of anal penetration). However, a small number may be prepared to engage in active anal sex (i.e., perform anal penetration) if they opt to provide services to male clients (i.e., “gay for pay”; see Mai, 2012). Two-thirds of the sex workers in Pruitt’s (2005) study identified as being versatile in one way or another: just under 10 percent were versatile tops, almost 8 percent were versatile bottoms, and 48.5 percent were versatile. These descriptors reflect the “[sexual] preferences and/or usual roles of the escort” (p. 197). Data for all MSWs who signed up with
Escort-Ireland.com
for the period 2009-2012 (n = 449) show that all heterosexual-identified sex workers (n = 74) failed to provide any information in their ads as to whether they would engage in active or passive anal sex with male clients. This was in stark contrast to bisexual and gay MSWs. Bisexuals made up the majority (84 percent) of all male sex workers (n = 108) who played an active sexual role. A significant proportion of gay (37.5 percent) and bisexual escorts (62.5 percent) played both active and passive sexual roles (n = 277). Only a small number of gay sex workers (n = 10) identified as playing a passive-only role.
 
FIGURE 17.3
Active and Passive Sexual Roles by Sexuality of Male Escort
 
 
At one level, the fact that heterosexual MSWs provide no information as to whether or not they engage in passive and/or active sexual roles is to be expected, as engaging in such an act runs counter to heterosexual masculine identity. However, given the exceptionally small market demand from female clients for heterosexual escorts, Irish-based MSWs who depend on escorting as a major source of income may well find themselves having to adopt a gay-for-pay persona and possibly assume an active sexual role, especially if they exhibit particular physical and masculine traits that tend to be in higher demand and thus attract an economic premium (Logan, 2010).
Age Profile of Male Sex Workers/Escort
 
The age at which people, especially women, enter the sex industry is often a major point of contention. It is often claimed by those who embrace the oppression paradigm, especially some radical feminists, that females who enter into sex work do so at a very young age, generally below the age of consent. Farley et al. (2003), for example, have claimed that a “conservative estimate of the average age of recruitment into prostitution in the U.S. is 13-14 years old” (p. 35). Weitzer (2007), however, suggests that we should interpret such figures with caution, noting that various studies on different forms of sex work (e.g., street-based, indoor) across a range of jurisdictions show that the average age of entry into prostitution varies considerably.
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Unfortunately, the data we have do not allow us to ascertain the age at which male sex workers began working in the sex industry. However, our data do allow for a comparison of the average age and age range across male, female, transsexual, and transvestite escorts.
In a study of MSWs in three Australia cities—Sydney (n = 92), Melbourne (n = 55), and Brisbane (n = 38)—Minichiello et al. (2002) found that the mean age of sex workers across all three cities was approximately 27 (STDEV = 6.95). The majority (58.8 percent) of all male sex workers (n = 185) were between 22 and 30. This compares with Pruitt’s (2005) finding that 54.7 percent of his sample of online male sex workers was between age 23 and 30. Brisbane had the highest proportion (65.8 percent) of sex workers in this age category, and just over 20 percent of sex workers in the city were age 21 or under; this rose to 23.6 percent for Melbourne. Again, these figures are comparable to Pruitt’s (2005), who found that 22.4 percent of his sample was between 18 and 22. At the older end of the age spectrum, Minichiello et al. (2002) found that only 5 percent of their sample was over age 40. Again, Melbourne had the highest proportion (7.3 percent) of males in this age category.

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