Milk and Time
Advocating on-demand breast-feeding for as long as the child wants it effectively deprives a mother of her time. If you add to this the obligation to stay by his side until the age of three to optimize his development, she receives the message that any other interest is secondary and morally inferior, since the ideal mother is enmeshed with her child bodily and mentally. The fact that this model is unavailable to a good many women who cannot afford the luxury of staying at home and undesirable to plenty of others has not silenced its boosters, in both public opinion and individual practice.
An ideological turning point occurred in 1990 among the generation of women who were then in their twenties. The daughters of feminists, militant or otherwise, they proceeded to engage in a classic settling of accounts with their mothers. After thanking them for winning the right to contraception and abortion, the daughters then demanded an admission of failure. Their accusation to their mothers could be summarized thus: You sacrificed everything for your
independence and you ended up with twice as much work. You were underrated in the workplace and spent too little time at home; you lost out on all fronts. They did not intend to repeat their mothers' mistakes.
The daughters also rejected the “feminist” label, as if it cast women in a bad light. Indeed, some among the new generation embraced the most clichéd male stereotypes of feminism, associating it with hysteria, aggression, carnality, and man-hating. The judgment was final: feminism had passed its sell-by date.
Beneath this rejection of feminism lurked a deeper criticism of motherhood as their mothers had practiced it. Perhaps they really meant: In pursuit of your independence, you sacrificed me as well. You didn't give me enough love, enough care, enough time. You were always in a hurry and often tired; you thought the quality of the time you spent with me was more important than the quantity. The truth is, I was not your top priority and you were not a good mother. I won't do the same with my children.
Unfair or not, this condemnation of mothers by their daughters is common and widely recognized in psychoanalysis. But now, for the first time, the mothers being criticized were precisely the ones who had fought for women's independence. As the daughters became mothers themselves, they talked less about their freedom and personal ambitions, or even about equal pay. They put these claims on the back burner while they gave priority to their children. At the same
time, there was more talk of how important it was to “negotiate” a work-family balance and “reconcile” time spent at work with time spent as a mother.
This change in attitudes, which took place during an economic crisis, was accelerated by the mass unemployment affecting all Western countries. In France, paid parental leave
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was increased in 1994, prompting a significant withdrawal from the workplace by mothers of young children, particularly among those with the least qualifications. At the other end of the social scale, highly qualified women, especially those in liberal professions, also retreated to the home when they became mothers. In 2003, the
New York Times
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announced that we were witnessing an “opt-out revolution,” a move on the part of professional women to leave work and stay at home with their children.
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More often than not, these women had partners who were able to meet their family's needs comfortably; for single mothers and divorcées there is no such choice.
It is too early to know whether these new patterns constitute a genuine revolution. For now, the statistics for working women have remained fairly stable. On the other hand, the idea that women can simultaneously be good mothers and pursue impressive careers is under attack. It is true that there has been a significant rise in women working part-time. Many mothers choose to work fewer hours to fit the criteria of a good mother, but a large number of women have had part-time work imposed on them by the shrinking
workplace. Either way, the result is that the salary gap between men and women has remained the same, if not grown slightly wider.
Another Look at the Swedish Model
No one doubts that Sweden has made considerable efforts to reconcile motherhood with a career and create conditions for equality in the workplace. On top of the parental leave that absorbs 40 percent of the country's family policies budget, flexible working hours for both parents of children under eight,
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and time off to care for sick children, Sweden also offers state day care.
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In sum, the Swedish model is in the vanguard of European family policies.
With what results?
As we have seen, fathers take only one-fifth of the parental leave available. As for mothers, 80 percent return to work, but two in five opt for part-time jobs.
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When Catherine Hakim published
Key Issues in Women's Work
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in 1996, she revealed that Swedish family policies were not as conducive to sexual equality as was previously believed. They were favorable to raising the birthrate but considerably less so to advancing women's careers. Studying all the usual criteria for measuring equality in the workplace, Hakim showed that Sweden was barely faring any better than England or France.
Looking at salaries, Hakim cites findings that 80 percent of Swedish women are paid below a given threshold, while
80 percent of men were paid above it. One reason for the divide was that two-thirds of Swedish women worked in the public sector, while 75 percent of men worked in the more difficult and demanding private sector. According to Hakim, the more the state extended its family policies, the less inclined private companies were to hire women because, they claimed, they could not afford such generous maternity leave. On top of this, the glass ceiling was no less cruel in Sweden than elsewhere. Hakim's data showed that women comprised only 1.5 percent of top management at a time when that figure was at 11 percent in the United States. However by 2010, that figure, measured by the number of women in executive committees, had reached 14 percent in the United States and 17 percent in Sweden.
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As for the salary gap between men and women (the ultimate criterion for sexual equality), Hakim highlighted the fact that in countries with less generous family policies, the salary gap tended to be smaller. This remains true: in 2009, Swedish women across the board were paid around 16 percent less than Swedish men, comparable to France and Spain.
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In the same year, the pay gap in Australia was around 17 percent.
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In Italy, by contrast, the gap in 2009 was only 5.5 percent; in Belgium 9, and in Poland 10 percent. (Hakim omits to point out that the birthrate has dropped dramatically in Italy.)
To date, no family policy has proved truly effective at improving equality between men and women. The division
of work between a couple is still unequal in every country, including Scandinavia. The increasingly onerous responsibilities placed on mothers just aggravate the situation. Only fully sharing parental roles from birth could counter this trend, yet in the name of our children's well-being we are taking the opposite route. Sexist men can celebrate: we will not see the end of their reign anytime soon. They have won a war without taking up arms, and without having said a word. The champions of maternalism took care of it all.