The Life and Death of Anne Boleyn (86 page)
5
e.g.
Inventory,
nos 1046 ‘Queen Anne’ and 1134 ‘late Queen Anne’ can each be dated as a Boleyn item. However, court items specifically connected with Anne of Cleves are
Inventory
, nos 13422, 13543, the chapel ceiling at St James [Rowlands,
Paintings of Hans Holbein
, p. 237] and the oak bedhead in the Burrell Collection, Glasgow.
7
J. Williams,
Accounts of the Monastic Treasures Confiscated at the Dissolution
, ed. W. B. Turnbull (Abbotsford Club, 1836), p. 97;
Jewels and Plate,
p. 197. Plausibly, Trappers was a relative of the London goldsmith, Nicholas Trappes: Glanville,
Silver
, p. 78. For a further purchase from Trappers, see p. 252.
8
Thomas Rymer,
Foedera
(1739-45), vii(3).198. Cf. ‘one Bason and Layer [small jug] of mother of pearl garnished with gold, enamelled with H and A knit together, and the king’s arms on the top of the cover and H A embossed on the foot thereof, weight 34 ounces’:
Inventory,
no. 163.
11
Inventory,
nos 674, 700, 790.
12
Connoisseur Period Guides
, ed. R. Edwards and L. G. G. Ramsey,
The Tudor Period
(1956), pp. 69-70;
Jewels and Plate,
ed. Collins, p. 197, no. 6. The immediate source is a pattern which circulated on the continent and was eventually published in a German pattern book of the 1540s, but the inspiration is Italian,
13
Inventory,
no. 723. The other is no. 703.
16
LP,
vi.32.
Inventory
indexes these items (e.g. nos 1887-1890) and plate marked with only the Rochford arms (e.g. nos 1891-1895) as both deriving from Anne’s brother, George, presumably after forfeiture. However, it is difficult to see why then only a minority (mostly silver) should be marked with the king’s arms. It is more probable that items marked with both coats belonged to Anne. The remainder could have been hers or her brother’s. The latter is assumed above. For Anne’s use of the Rochford arms see pp. 242-3, 398 n.14.
17
For Holbein’s jewellery designs see p. 400 n. 40.
18
Oskar Bätschmann and Pascal Griener,
Hans Holbein
(1997), p. 87, but Crown accounts relevant to the previous period are missing.
19
Ibid., p. 9, but cf. Rowlands,
Paintings
, p. 91.
20
Nicolas Bourbon,
Nugarum Libri Octo
(Lyons, 1538), Bk. 3 no. 8, p. 153; Bk. 6 no. 12, p. 338; Bk.7 no. 158, p. 427; Bk.8 no. 36, p. 450.
Paedagogion
(Lyons, 1536), p. 28.
21
National Gallery, no. 1314. For the following see Ives, in
Apollo,
140 (1994), 39-40. Of the substantial literature see, principally, S. Foister, A. Roy and M. Wyld,
Holbein’s Ambassadors
(1997); Rowlands,
Paintings,
pp. 85-7, 139-40; Elly Dekker and Kristen Lippincott, ‘The scientific instruments in Holbein’s Ambassadors: a re-examination’, in
Journal of the Warburg and Cnurtauld Institutes
, 62 (1999), 93-125.
22
Possibly by the 9th:
LP,
vi.91, 110, 142, 160.
23
Holbein’s Ambassadors
, p. 14.
26
Holbein’s Ambassadors
, p. 33. Dekker and Lippincott in
journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes
, 62, 108-9, are more sceptical. J. North argues that others of the instruments point to the 11 April date, notably the torquetum;
The Ambassadors’ Secret
(2002), pp. 91, 97, 111, though I do not follow his overall analysis.
27
Holbein’s Ambassadors
, p. 16.
28
Johannes Walther,
Geistlich Gesangbuchli
(Wittenberg, 1524) but edited to place item II opposite item XIX.
30
de Selve left England too soon to have much detailed input to the painting, and his religious position is less clear, though he does seem to have written in favour of accommodation with the German reformers.
31
Solomon and the Queen of Sheba,
H. M. the Queen Windsor Castle, Royal Library 12188. See Ives, in
Apollo,
140, 38-9; Rowlands,
Paintings,
pp. 91-3, 150.
34
Matthew, 12: 42; Luke, 11: 31.
35
‘ut esses rex
(
constittttus
)
Domino Deus tuo’
.
37
‘beati viri tui et beati servi tui qui assistant coram te’
(happy are your men and happy are your servants who work around you’): I Kings, 10, 8.
38
Hilary Wayment,
The Windows of King’s College Chapel, Cambridge
(1972), plates 61-3 [no. 4D]. The window could be as late as 1540-1 and Antonia Fraser, Six
Wives of Henry VIII
(1992) has suggested that Sheba may be a likeness of Katherine Howard. I reject this (a) because of the miniature and (b) because the symbolism would be irrelevant to Katherine.
40
Ganz, Die
Handzeichnungen,
xxxix.2(e); xxxix.4(d); cf. xxxix.3(d) and (f), while xix.9 could be Anne’s gryphon supporter.
41
Kupferstichkabinett, Oeffentliche Kunstsammlung, Amerbach-Kabinett, Basle: English Sketchbook [Ganz, Die
Handzeichnungen,
vi.7].
42
RO, SP1/88, f. 116 [
LP
, vii.1668].
43
RO, E101/421/13 [
LP
, vii.9].
44
Pace
Collins,
Jewels and Plate,
pp. 468-9; P. Glanville,
Silver
, pp. 170, 213; Rowlands,
Paintings,
p. 91; Starkey, A
European Court,
p. 135; Strong,
Lost Treasures,
pp. 80, 83, 86.
45
The women of the Basle cup are part-draped, not naked, and it is not certain Holbein intended more than two.
46
Collins,
Jewels and Plate,
pp. 468-9. These later descriptions also indicate that, as well as the three women round the foot of the fountain being naked, they had jewelled ‘tirements’ (head-dresses). Again this is not the case in the drawing of the cup and cover.
47
Kupferstichkabinett, Oeffentliche Kunstsammlung, Amerbach-Kabinett, Basle: English Sketchbook [Ganz,
Die Handzeichnungen,
xxiii.5]. She is not standing but clearly has a tirement on her head.
48
Kupferstichkabinett, Oeffentliche Kunstsammlung, Amerbach-Kabinett, Basle: English Sketchbook [Ganz,
Die Handzeichnungen,
vi.4].
49
For the following see Murdoch,
English Portrait Miniature,
pp. 29-33; Strong,
Artists,
pp. 34-44; also
Renaissance Miniature
(1984), pp. 30-44; H. Paget, ‘Gerard and Lucas Hornebolt in England’, in
Burlington Magazine,
101 (1959), 396-402.
50
Tree-ring dating shows that the surviving portrait of William Carey must be a later copy, or even an enlargement of a miniature: J. Fletcher, ‘A portrait of William Carey, and Lord Hunsdon’s Long Gallery’, in
Burlington Magazine,
123 (1981), p. 304.
51
E. Auerbach,
Tudor Artists
(1954), p. 50.
52
He is credited with four miniatures of Katherine herself, one of Princess Mary, two of Brandon and one of Charles V, and possibly with a half-length panel painting of the countess of Salisbury, Mary’s first governess and the mother of the Pole brothers: Strong,
Renaissance Miniature,
pp. 42-4, 189-90.
55
Hever Castle, ‘The Hours of Anne Boleyn’ (c.1450); Christie’s sale catalogue,
Valuable Printed Books and Manuscripts,
26
November, 1997,
pp. 12-17.
56
The ‘Anne Boleyn’ signature appears on the Hours f. 99v, but she was addressed as de Rochfort possibly from 1525 and certainly from 1529: see p. 285.
57
The absence of heraldic reference could suggest a commoner, but the inclusion of the feasts of St Hugh of Lincoln and St Edmund as red-letter days and Edward and Oswald in the litany is no more than compatible with a north Norfolk owner.
58
Hever Castle,
Hours of the Blessed Virgin Mary
(G. Hardouyn, Paris, n.d.). The conjectural date for the book,
c
.1528, is unlikely. I owe this information to the kindness of Mr Richard Allen.
60
‘Hours of Anne Boleyn’, f. 99v; Christie’s,
26 November, 1997
, p. 12.
63
Alnwick, the duke of Northumberland, Percy MS 465.
64
Ganz, Die
Handzeichnungen,
XXXVIII. 8.
65
I owe the suggestion about printing to Miss Janet Backhouse. Subsequent investigation showed that the ornaments imitated occur on the Alençon edition,
c
.1530: see p. 271.
66
Alnwick, Percy MS 465, f. 130.
69
BL, Harleian MS 6561. See Carley, in
Illuminating the Book
, fig. 155 and p. 268. For an extensive bibliographical analysis of the text see ibid., pp. 261-3, 266.
70
BL, Harleian MS 6561, f. 2r.
71
One would expect the monogram to refer more directly to Anne, and hence that ‘S’ and ‘L’ might make
‘Servant’
or
‘Serviteur Loyal’,
but the
rex
makes it certain that the letters refer to the king.
72
Sold by Sotheby’s, 7 Dec. 1982:
Western Manuscripts,
lot 62.
74
The attempt to use du Bellay’s letter of 13 Apr. 1530 [ibid., pp. 72-3] to infer a link between the MS and the bishop, Anne and Henry, and the humanist Jacques Colin, seems ill-advised. The reference
‘je me trouveray continuellement autour du Roy et de Madame’
is to Francis I and Louise of Savoy [
Correspondance
, i.65 at p. 142].
75
Alnwick, Percy MS 465, ff. 2; 12v, 61v, 130; 23, 117; 34; 44, 100v; 54; 88; 139.
77
See pp. 252-5 and plate 44.
78
Alnwick, Percy MS 465, f. 139.
80
Ganz,
Die Handzeichungen,
xxi.6(a),(f); x1.7(c); R Strong,
The Cult of Elizabeth
(1977), p. 52. However, the Van Dyck of the 9th earl of Northumberland (National Trust, Petworth) includes a sphere which indicates ‘wisdom’; cf.
Elizabeth,
ed. S. Doran, p. 201.
81
The Gospel of Matthew, chapter 26, verse 42;
Inventory,
no. 2530 is ‘a pece’ of gold with the inscription
Fiat voluntas tua.