The Life and Death of Anne Boleyn (83 page)
18
Cal. S. P. Ven.,
1527-33, 912.
20
Colvin,
King’s Works,
iv.290-1.
21
For the length of the ceremony see Cranmer,
Letters,
p. 245, and
LP,
vi.601.
22
Ibid., vi.554; Hall,
Chronicle,
p. 804.
23
Cal. S
.
P. Milan,
p. 911; cf. Colvin,
King’s Works,
iv.290.
24
Cal. S. P. Span.
,
1531-33,
p. 704
[LP,
vi.653].
26
Hall,
Chronicle,
p. 805.
The noble tryumphant coronacyon,
and Wriothesley,
Chronicle,
i.22, say that 18 took part.
27
De Carles, in Ascoli,
L’Opinion
, lines 111-27.
28
RO, SP1/76 f. 195 [
LP
, vi.613].
29
Actes de François I
er, ii.393, no. 5721, ii.416 no. 5829;
Cal. S. P
.
Ven., 1527-33,
p. 893;
Cal. S. P. Span
.,
1531-
33, pp. 721, 724
[LP,
vi.720].
30
Tudor Royal Proclamations,
i. 209.
31
Cal. S
.
P. Span., 1531-33,
p. 794
[LP,
vi.1125];
St. Pap
., i.408
[LP,
vi.1252].
32
Cal. S. P. Ven., 1527-33,
923.
33
LP,
vi.1009;
Cal. S. P. Span
.,
1531-33,
p. 756
[LP,
vi.918].
34
De Carles, in Ascoli,
L‘Opinion,
lines 148-64.
35
Hall,
Chronicle
, p. 805;
LP,
vi.895.
36
Ordinances for the Household
, pp. 125-6; Dublin, Trinity College, MS 518, ff. 117-19.
37
LP
, vi.890; J. W. Kirby, ‘Building work at Placentia, 1532-33’, in
Transactions of the Greenwich and Lemisham Antiquarian Society,
5 (1954-61), 22-50.
38
LP,
vi.948, 1004 [
Lisle Letters
, i.35 ].
39
Cal.
S. P.
Span
.,
1531-33,
p. 788 [LP, vi.1069];
LP,
vi.1070; Hall,
Chronicle
, p. 805.
40
De Carles, in Ascoli, L’
Opinion
, lines 168-76.
41
LP, vi.1166; Hall,
Chronicle,
p. 805.
42
LP,
vi.1089; Wriothesley,
Chronicle,
i.22-3, which contradicts Chapuys:
Cal. S
.
P. Span
.,
1531-33,
p. 795 [LP, vi.1125]. For the christening, see also Hall,
Chronicle,
pp. 805-6;
LP,
vi. 1111.
43
De Carles, in Ascoli,
L‘Opinion,
lines 181-2.
44
Ibid., lines 183-5. The godmothers were Agnes, dowager duchess of Norfolk, Margaret, dowager marchioness of Dorset, and the godfather, Cranmer; the marchioness of Exeter was godmother at the coinfirmation which followed immediately on the baptism, but her name was Gertrude, not Elizabeth [‘Ysabeau‘], as de Carles assumed from the name given to the child.
45
Henry, earl of Worcester; John Dudley.
Chapter 13 A Royal Marriage
1
C. Morris,
The Tudors (
1955), p. 151.
2
Quoted Prescott,
Mary Tudor,
p. 307.
3
George Wyatt,
Papers
, p. 141; for a concurrent Catholic view, see BL, Sloane MS 2495, f. 2: ‘King Henry gave his mind to three notorious vices, lechery, covetous ness and cruelty, but the two latter issued and sprang out of the former.’
4
If Henry had other mistresses (for which there is no firm evidence), the record of childlessness becomes even more significant.
5
J. Dewhurst, ‘The alleged miscarriages of Catherine of Aragon and Anne Boleyn’, in
Medical History,
28 (1984), 49-56, has significantly revised the number of Katherine’s supposed pregnancies, although I disagree with his reduction of Anne’s pregnancies to two (1533 and 1535/6), omitting that in 1534 (see pp. 191-2). The report of 24 June 1535 that Anne was visibly pregnant [
LP,
viii.919], redated 1533 or 1534 in
Lisle Letters
, i.10, belongs to 1533, as the court was at Hampton Court in 1534. The Milanese report in May 1535 that Anne was pregnant seems to refer to the events of the previous summer:
Cal. S. P. Milan
, p. 962.
6
Scarisbrick,
Henry VIII,
p. 485. Alternatively, the ulcer could have been varicose. For Francis I see Knecht,
Renaissance Warrior and Patron
, pp. 112, 544-5.
7
Burnet,
History
, iv.427, 430. The phrase in Henry’s declaration that if Anne of Cleves ‘brought maidenhead with her’ he never ‘took any from her by true carnal copulation’, seems to suggest that he had attempted intercourse. He consulted his doctors several times about the inability to consummate, and Dr Chamber ‘counselled his majesty not to enforce himself, for eschewing such inconveniences as by debility ensuing in that case were to be feared’. Chamber reported that Henry could not, in Anne’s company, ‘be provoked or stirred to that act’: John Strype,
Ecclesiastical Memorials
(1822), I ii.460-1.
8
Thus Dr Butts, ibid., p. 461.
9
Cal. S. P. Span
., 1536-38, p. 126 [ LP, x.908], quoted from Friedmann,
Anne Boleyn
, ii.280 n.1. Cf. Chapuys’ phrase, ‘not capable of satisfying her’: ibid., p. 122 [LP, x.909] and Henry’s evidence about relations with Anne of Cleves: ‘neither will nor courage’.
10
But for more speculative psychological discussion see L. B. Smith,
Henry VIII: The Mask of’ Royalty
(1971), pp. 64-6.
11
Cal. S. P. Span., 1531-33,
p. 638 [LP, vi.351 ].
12
Ibid.,
1534-35,
p. 67 [
LP
, vii.94];
Lisle Letters
, ii.175 [
LP
, vii.556]. Dewhurst, in
Medical History
, 28, rejects this pregnancy, and suggests pseudocyesis, the exhibition of pregnancy-like symptoms as a result of psychological stress. Anne, however, had no reason to be under stress at this date, having produced a healthy female child eight months earlier. If she had ‘a goodly belly’ in late April (and the informant is her receiver-general), she would then be more than sixteen weeks pregnant, i.e. conceiving not later than the start of the year. Imperial sources at Rome had been informed by 23 Jan. 1534 that Anne was pregnant, allegedly by a letter from the newly arrived English ambassador in France. If this was Lord William Howard, the date of arrival must have been the beginning of December [
LP
, vi.1438], suggesting that Anne became pregnant in November 1533. This could just make good sense, but the chain of information is too long for complete confidence:
LP,
vii.96.
13
RO, SP1/88 f. 116 [
LP
, vii.1668]. Since Hayes’ bill was for items delivered to ‘Mr Secretary’ (i.e. Cromwell) it must have been prepared post April 1534. It is unlikely that the detailed bill for a cradle for Elizabeth would be delayed so long. Alternatively, it could have been ordered for the expected birth in 1536. It was not for the future Edward VI: Cromwell would then have been addressed as ‘lord privy seal’.
14
St
.
Pap
., vii.565 [
LP
, vii.958];
Cal. S
.
P. Span
.,
1534-35,
p. 224 [
LP
, viii.1013].
15
That it was a miscarriage and not a stillbirth or neonatal death is indicated by the queen not having ‘taken her chamber’.
16
Cal. S. P. Span
.,
1534-35,
p. 264 [
LP
, vii.1193 ].
17
Ibid.,
1531-33,
p. 760 [
LP,
vi.995].
19
Cal. S. P. Span
.,
1531-33,
p
.
788 [
LP,
vi.1069]; Friedmann,
Anne Boleyn
, i.213 n.1.
20
Cf.
LP,
vi.1054 with
Cal. S. P. Span
.,
1534-35
, pp. 292-3.
21
LP
, vi.879, 891, 948, 963, 1004.
22
Cal. S. P. Span
.,
1531-33
, p. 755 [
LP,
vi.918].
23
Ibid., p. 777 [
LP,
vi.1018].
24
Ibid., p. 800 [
LP
, vi.1125].
26
For the above see ibid., vi.1293, 1510, 1528; vii.83, 126, 556, 682, 888;
Cal.
S.
P. Pen., 1527-33
, p. 924;
Cal. S
.
P. Span., 1531-33
, p. 842 [
LP,
vi.1392].
27
The imperial envoy at Rome reported rumours about bad feeling between Anne and Henry, which were circulating in France on 20 Sept., but withdrew this on 3 Oct., having received Chapuys’ letter dated 27 Aug.:
Cal. S. P. Span
.,
1534-35
, pp. 260, 268-9 [
LP,
vii.1174, 1228].
28
Ibid., p. 264 [
LP,
vii.1193].
29
Ibid., p. 280 [
LP
, vii.1257]. For the rest of the paragraph see ibid., pp. 293, 294-5, 299-301, 344 [
LP
, vii.1279, 1297, 1554];
LP,
viii.263 at p. 104.
30
She too was a court beauty, much like the duchess of Milan in physique and looks:
LP
, xii.1187.
31
Cal. S. P. Span
.,
1536-38,
p. 127 [
LP,
x.908];
LP
, x.1047.
32
Cal. S
.
P. Span., 1534-35
, p
.
344 [
LP,
vii.1554].
33
Ibid., p. 354 [
LP,
viii.l ];
LP,
viii.121.
34
Anne owed her initial opportunity to her father, but from the start of Henry’s interest, Thomas Boleyn owed more to Anne than vice versa.
36
Cal
.
S
.
P
.
Ven., 1534-54
, 54.
37
Cal. S
.
P. Span., 1534-35
, p. 338 [
LP,
vii.1507]; ibid., p. 376 [
LP,
viii.48]; Friedmann,
Anne Boleyn,
ii.45 no. 1.
39
Cal. S. P. Span
.,
1534-35,
p. 179 [
LP,
viii.949]. Greg Walker, who first drew attention to this, saw a problem in the dating. The feasts referred to are the Nativity of St. John Baptist (24 June) and Peter and Paul (29 June):
Plays of Persuasion
(Cambridge, 1991 ), p. 227.
40
For the above see also Ives, in
History Today,
50, 48-53.