Read The Telegraph Book of Readers' Letters from the Great War Online
Authors: Gavin Fuller
SIR â I am very glad to see you have opened your columns to those who are bringing forward the question of the issue of premium bonds. I am confident that not only a large sum of money could be raised by this means, but also that the social and ethical effect would be far-reaching and of great value.
I have lived a good deal in France, and have discussed with various Frenchmen the methods whereby they have succeeded in getting the idea into the heads of the great bulk of the working men and women that saving is a normal and ordinary part of civilised existence. One can indeed go so far as to say that among large classes of French it is considered bad form not to have something put by. I have been told that premium bonds have been one of the main causes of this state of things.
With us, if a working man saves £5 or £10 what can he do with it? Practically all that is open to him is either the savings bank, where it lies at a rate of interest which produces him a negligible sum, or a building society, where security is not by any means always of the first order. Whereas in a premium bond you get the best possible security for capital in a very realisable asset, a small sure rate of interest plus the chance of making a very good profit; in fact, just the very qualities trustees look for in a trustee investment.
Premium bonds would appeal to the sporting instincts of the working man, and this in a way essentially different to a
lottery. For in a lottery you most probably lose what you put in, and in a premium bond you cannot do so. I have great hopes they would so what is so wanted now, viz., induce men who are making more money than ever before to put some by instead of indulging in unaccustomed luxuries. This would be of great good to themselves, and also would create here a
petit rentier
class, who are the strength and backbone of France. To bring this about I hope that there would not only be the large prizes your correspondent speaks of today, to tempt the richer investor, but also a very considerable number of smaller prizes, say £3 or £5, to improve the chances of the small investor making a profit.
I am, &c.,
Observer
SIR â The great activity in munition factories and other controlled works has brought to light the general lack of knowledge regarding the rights of employees with regard to inventions which they may make.
The actual law upon this matter is that, if a workman makes an invention, that invention belongs entirely to him, âEven though the article may be made in the employer's time, and with his tools and materials.' The quotation is from the
judgment of Mr Justice Farwell in the case of Marshall and Naylor's patent, which is the ruling case on this subject. If, however, the employer instructs a man to work out an idea, then the invention is the property of the master, and the workman has no right to any recognition for simply working out the improvements explained to him.
The general impression amongst the employers, however, appears to be that an invention made by a workman in the course of his work is the master's property, and if, as is sometimes the case, the workman is given some small (usually inadequate) recognition of his zeal, this is looked upon as generosity on the master's part. In some cases the employer even goes so far as to patent the invention in his own name, which is, of course, illegal.
Now, as patent agent to the members of most of the large trade union societies (numbering nearly a quarter of a million skilled artisans), I am aware of many cases in which workmen have made valuable improvements which have resulted in material profit. Usually the inventor is complimented upon his ingenuity, but when he asks what recompense he is to receive he is told that he has only done his duty. Should the workman have the temerity to patent his invention, which he has a perfect right to do, the employer is indignant, and I am aware of one case in which the workman was actually dismissed, and in another case revocation of the patent is threatened.
In some large works awards committees have been set up to settle the recognition to be given to a workman for any invention
he may make, but it is exceedingly doubtful if the award ever reaches the value of the improvement; for, of course, the workman has little choice but to take what is offered him, and usually these awards committees are very slow, and often no award is granted at all, even though the employer continues to use the employee's invention and profit by it.
Inventions in the workshops of great utility to manufacturers have been practically stifled by the methods referred to, and there are hundreds of workmen in this land who could bear out this statement from either their own or their fellows' experiences. The very best way to induce the skilled men to make inventions and improvements to benefit the nation and assist us in our struggle for commercial supremacy is to convince them that they will be adequately and fairly rewarded.
Yours faithfully,
Geo. H. Rayner
5 Chancery Lane, E.C.
14 March 1916
SIR â A few weeks ago I addressed a letter to the press asking for money, or gifts in kind, for the YMCA, and particularly alluded to February as the YMCA month.
People have already sent donations from one penny upwards to cheques, crossed London County and Westminster Bank, for whole huts named after places or fallen heroes of the war. Twenty huts are, roughly, my total up to now, but many, many more are wanted with this rapidly increasing Navy and Army, and the upkeep always has to be considered, for the expenses of the YMCA are about £500 a day. The Navy has responded nobly with donations from the canteens, and with a few more gifts I hope to put up one, or, perhaps, two huts, called âThe Navy', likewise âThe Nurse', also âThe Farmer'.
The donors have been most ingenious, from collecting pence at a mothers' meeting to
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d fine for a spot on the tablecloth, 10s, or a 1d a grumble, which raised 10s and caused much amusement. Whist drives, concerts, sewing parties, cake competitions (the cakes being given to the hospitals afterwards), baby shows, bazaars, rummage sales, farm kitchen concerts, lectures, and sales of rings or curios have also been held.
Could everyone who reads this letter not find some means by which to help this scheme? The YMCA is the fighting men's club. It is unsectarian: it is open to everyone in the King's uniform; and millions of letters to the homes of the Empire would never have been written but for the free gift of the paper and envelope bearing the well-known red triangle.
Faithfully yours,
E. Alec-Tweedie
30 York Terrace, Harley Street, W.
25 March 1916
SIR â For many years the press at this season has granted me space to invite recruits in their days of health for personal service in the cause of the sick. A season of war is not all loss, for already it has enabled hundreds of thousands to shed self and devote their energies mainly to war work. In this way many have substituted direct for vicarious service for the sick, and attained their ideal. I welcome these escapes from the depths of solitude represented by the inner feelings and aspirations previously hidden away in the hearts of a multitude of men and women in London and other great centres.
But there yet remains a majority of that multitude who in these days of laborious toil and laborious pleasure-seeking may be conscious of an inner thirst for the humanising influences which flow to those who devote a measure of their time to wholesome work or to brighten the lives of their neighbours. My heart goes out in sympathy with these secret aspirations now stirring in human hearts, and I hope once more to put this majority on the road where they can shed existence for life.
In many cases an apprehension of the health value of self-destruction would bring permanent relief. In such cases discipline is the real physic when deliberately applied with personal energy, for then it can convert discontented or relatively valueless members of society into human beings of
the first rank. This type includes the people who still give themselves up to amusement. If they could only realise the outer darkness in which they must find themselves when the war is over, and the prolonged misery it must prove to be, unless they apply the remedy which is open to them today, they would avoid the risk of being out of touch with the realities of life and of degenerating into mere human wreckage.
Who can plumb the depths of degradation touched by a British man or woman (and I know some such) who, to the neglect of their plain duties, are obsessed with the pursuit of every âanti' craze, and insistently devote their remaining sympathies and resources to pampering the Germans in our midst who are prisoners or interned? It has not been possible so far to apply the drastic treatment such people need and deserve, but the wholesome stiffening up of public opinion, to the exclusion of false sentiment, amid the awakening of patriotic apprehension are hastening the time when the remedy will be forthcoming and applied.
The season of Lent might usefully be availed of by every one of us asking himself, âWhere am I in the war?' Our country needs every one of us, and we elders who have to remain at home often find the work we are called upon to do greater than ever before. Is it not amazing that there should be slackers and human sloths of both sexes still strutting in our midst? Have such people no brains, or love of country, or even self-respect? They cannot even live in any true meaning of the word, for they merely exist in fact, whilst every day such brain power as their parents gave them must be
diminished of to make room for the fibrous tissue the non-use of their faculties continuously develops. I would venture to beg all men and women who have both brains and ideas, but refuse to use them for fear they may have to work harder, to awaken to a full realisation of their spiritual being, and give it full play by embracing higher ideals and entering upon a truer life. This latter type might do most valuable service in many ways, without any risk of over-strain from the excitement of war work. They could, indeed, make themselves of supreme use to their country at the present crisis. This way lies blessedness and the joy of living.
If it were only possible to widen the vision and excite the apprehension of every man and woman amongst us, who is yet without his or her portion in the business of the death-struggle in which our nation and Empire are engaged, can we believe that each one of them who asks, âWhere am I in the war?' will rest content to continue a human sloth, will not awaken to the seriousness of the life which surrounds them, and acquire the will to enter into it? Even the older people, through prayer and intercession, can renew their youth. Then they will set their minds and those of their acquaintance to think out what the country will need after the war, and how they can help to make a real Merrie England of the best.
Herein lies the impetus which should arouse and urge forward every man and woman amongst us capable of real thought. Than each one of them will see to it that they will prepare themselves and their neighbours for the great changes and immense upheaval which must follow the war,
so that the moment it is concluded there may be throughout the nation an added wisdom in support of higher ideals. If this general action can be aroused, it will secure the government of the nation through the people, and will yield forces that should make England and Empire the embodiment of the wisest and most ennobling system of government of which the world is capable.
I am, Sir, yours faithfully,
Henry C. Burdett
The Lodge, 13 Porchester Square, W.