Read The Telegraph Book of Readers' Letters from the Great War Online
Authors: Gavin Fuller
The Telegraph Book of Readers' Letters from the Great War (37 page)
Only recently a specific case was brought to my notice where some dozen officers, practically all of whom belonged to the south, were rushed up to the north of England, on the ground that âall the London hospitals were full'. We all know that this is not the case; some of the London hospitals are for the most part empty. Of course, it may be suggested that these men could be transferred to hospitals near their respective homes, but this is a three weeks' business, and in the meantime many of these men are kept without leave, and only have permission to leave the hospitals for a few hours each day. One would have thought that both in the interests of the State and of the men themselves it would be better to send them home, where most of them have hardly been for more than ten days since the start of the war, to benefit as much as possible by home comforts.
May I suggest that in the case of officers who are sufficiently well to move about:
1. They should be allowed to go to the hospitals nearest to their homes, should they so desire it, subject, of course, to there being room at the time.
2. Transfers should be granted forthwith.
3. Pending such transfers being arranged for, officers should be given leave.
4. Commandants of hospitals should, subject to mutual agreement, have power to transfer at once by notifying
headquarters, but without the need for the long waiting period.
Many thousands of officers are affected by this matter, and I do therefore think that it is worth the attention of the authorities.
Yours faithfully,
Warwick Brookes, MP for Mile End
London
22 January 1917
SIR â We all recognise regretfully the necessity for tens of thousands of people working daily on munitions and handling in various ways high explosives. We also know that stringent precautions are taken in order to secure comparative safety and immunity from accident. The cause of the recent explosion is unknown, and may have been unpreventable, but as one who has connection with a number of such workers I am writing to urge, in the interests of the men, women, girls and youths who are thus employed, that the whole question of their safety should receive fresh and prompt attention. When we realise the loss of human life and property caused by the explosion on Friday last, and the amount of suffering caused thereby, we are compelled to ask
whether the punishment meted out by certain magistrates to persons convicted of carelessness in such employment is adequate to the seriousness of the offence. Fines for such ought in the interest of the community to be abolished and imprisonment substituted in every case. The trade union leaders have done much in this matter, but so long as magistrates show such excessive leniency their efforts will be in vain. Possibly the law may have to be strengthened before the difficulty raised can be met.
One other point. Is it necessary that such dangerous work should be carried on in crowded and poor districts? Usually the cottage property all round the works is crowded to excess; and is of such a nature that the slightest shock causes collapse, with disastrous results. Is it too much to ask that this kind of work should be removed from such centres? Not to do so is to court the maximum of loss and suffering when any disaster occurs. In the midst of the many matters requiring attention I trust that in the interests of the working classes, to whom the whole country owes so much for their loyalty and magnificent spirit in the midst of this titanic struggle, this matter may receive that careful attention, at the hands of the Government, which it certainly deserves.
Sincerely yours,
J.E.
Bishopscourt, Chelmsford
15 June 1917
Mr E.S. Tattersall's Views
SIR â I read with much interest the articles which you published on Monday under the titles âThe Ban on Racing' and âRacing and Breeding: Danger to British Stock'. In the latter you say that owners and breeders have reason to hope that before the end of this month sanction will have been given to resume racing at Newmarket, and you most truly add, âSuch a decision is urgently needed to prevent a catastrophe to horse breeding from which it might never entirely recover.' You have not exaggerated the urgent necessity for the speedy resumption of racing, with, no unreasonable and unpractical restrictions. Everyone interested in horse breeding agrees with you. Having been hon. secretary of the Hunters' Improvement Society, in its first two years â 1886 and 1887 â when the thoroughbred stallion shows commenced, and being now hon. treasurer of that society, as well as of the Thoroughbred Breeders' Association, may I be permitted to say a few words endorsing your prophecy? Most breeders and owners and trainers of thoroughbred horses and people interested in horse breeding are my friends, and the outlook for them is gloomy in the extreme. Lord Curzon, in his recent speech in the House of Lords, to which I listened with interest, admitted that âin its wonderful thoroughbred stock the country possessed a national asset of almost incalculable value', and said that âthe Government had no desire to exercise a disturbing influence upon the position of that asset'. That asset, however, depends
on being reasonably and publicly tested, and on an outlet being provided for it in the shape of a market within the United Kingdom, as well as for export. The average amount for which we ourselves sold horses for export in 1911, 1912 and 1913 was over £123,000, and many horses were sold publicly and privately besides to go out of the country. The horses we sold for export in 1914 made £30,000 only.
It seems calculated to make us the laughing stock of the world to throw away such a valuable, useful and necessary product for an almost infinitesimal and negligible saving of oats. The lives of many men depend on horses. It will be remembered that at the beginning of the war 150,000 useful horses were quickly available in the United Kingdom, and since then 250,000 more, owing almost entirely to private enterprise in horse breeding, which may be looked on as a gift to the State. In any case private breeders have saved the State much expense and trouble. Racing is to some extent an amusement, but it is one which results in a useful product. Without racing, and a substantial amount of it, we shall be unable to distinguish between soft, unreliable horses and stout, enduring ones. There should be sufficient racing to enable the public to make a proper selection of our thoroughbred stock. The limitation of racing to Newmarket only, where it was carried out on restricted lines and with no sign of beanfeasting this spring, was only just sufficient to keep the stream flowing. What should we think of a Government which forbade or seriously hampered the production of sugar or cotton in the countries best suited to grow them? In the United Kingdom, thanks to our climate, we have been able, and shall be able, if the facilities are
granted which expert opinion with regard to horse breeding considers necessary, to breed horses which all countries of the world envy and are compelled to come to buy, and the quality of which permeates to some extent nearly every type of serviceable horse. It is a necessity for all foreigners to return frequently to England and Ireland to buy our stock.
It has already greatly cheered and amused our enemies to hear that racing is stopped here. They know well that racing is essential to test the merits of horses and prevent us breeding rubbish. So do our Allies. I have received messages lately from the leading owners and breeders in France, Italy, Russia and America urging us not to give up breeding and racing. Governor Stanley's speech at Louisville, made before the decision of the Kentucky Derby recently, is quoted in today's
Sportsman
, and he cannot speak too highly of the importance in wartime of the thoroughbred horse of Kentucky. In Germany and Austria racing continues; only in England has it been totally abandoned. It is, however, quite a mistake to suppose, as many do, that Irish breeders are able to keep up their studs if English racing is seriously crippled. The principal market for Irish breeders is in England, and many Irishmen practically depend for their living on the sales at Newmarket and Doncaster. One has recently written to me that he is ruined owing to the impossibility of selling his yearlings if the ban on racing continues. His case is one only of very many.
The seriousness of the outlook at Newmarket, which has been compared to a mining town with the mines shut down, has been described by the leading clergy and bankers of the town. A reason advanced lately by an anonymous breeder, that
horses now being bred will not be available in the present war, and, therefore, it will do no harm to stop racing for two years, and run the now two-year-olds as four-year-olds, and so on, is impracticable. He does not seem to know that colts cannot be turned out for a year or two (certainly no one could afford to keep them in training idle), without injuring themselves and becoming useless. They would be undoubtedly operated on, and the continuity of horse breeding would be seriously affected. To insure this continuity racing is essential. The views of Professor Robert Wallace, given in today's
Sportsman
and
Sporting Life
, are stated, so lucidly and convincingly that they should be read by the authorities. Coming from a Professor of Agriculture and Rural Economy at Edinburgh, they compel attention. Horse breeding and agriculture are bound together, as Lord Middleton and Sir A.E. Pease have ably written. I think the resolution passed by the War Emergency Committee of the Royal Agricultural Society of England, has not had the prominence given to it that it deserved, and with their words I will conclude this lengthy letter.
âThe Committee view with alarm the very serious effect the total stoppage of racing will have on horse breeding, and urge his Majesty's Government to remove the present drastic restrictions, which must inevitably have a far-reaching consequence by the wholesale reduction of colts necessary for stallions to maintain the production of the half-bred stock so urgently needed for military and national purposes.'
I remain, &c.,
E. Somerville Tattersall
Tattersall's, Knightsbridge, S.W.
23 July 1917
SIR â At the request of many who have served or are serving in our great Army, I desire through the medium of your valuable paper to give publicity to the wish felt by many of all ranks that, after having served together in this great war, we shall continue to keep in touch with one another after it has been fought to a finish. Between those of us who have spent long months and even years in the trenches, patiently waiting for the guns and shells which would place us on terms of equality with the enemy, there have grown up steady ties of affection and comradeship. Silently a general determination has developed that those who have endured much together should keep together to the end, always remembering those who have fallen by the way, and a resolve has been made that we should cement that spirit of comradeship for our mutual advantage and protection in the future. Sir, prompted by the highest motives, many thousands of soldiers desire this. By many it is thought that the best way of attaining this end would be to create throughout the land a similar organisation to the Old Comrades Association, one of the many bright spots of that little valiant army of the past. Examination shows, however, that while we might with advantage follow its excellent example and ideals, yet to deal with an Army of millions, the machinery would require enlarging.
Briefly, the idea is to establish a soldiers' association throughout the country and the Dominions. The motto
might well be âUnited We Stand', and I remember a worthy non-commissioned officer suggesting to me when discussing the idea before the Battle of Loos, why not call it âVeterans of the Grand Army'. No better name could, I think, be suggested. Amongst the many objects of such an association would be the following:
1. To watch and safeguard the interest of all members of the Forces, and to take such steps as are necessary to protect them during and after demobilisation.